E13I 
E1X 



SPEECH 



I 



HON. LEMUEL P. EVANS, 



TEXAS, 



I 



FOREIGN POLICY OF TI1E UNITED STATES, 



r>*LrvEBT.ri is teb 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES 



ON THE 24TH OF JULY, 1856. 



WASHINGTON - : 

AMERICAN OROAN, PRINT. 

Ia56. 






* M 



T— 



SPEECH 



HON. LEMUEL D. EVANS, 



TEXAS, 

I 



1 



FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES, 



DELIVERED IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES 



ON THE 24TH OF JULY, 1856. 




WASHINGTON, D. 0. 

September, 1856, 



American Organ, Print. 






* » 



FORE] Gfl POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



\ 



The House being in the Committee of the Whole 
on the stale of the Union — 

Mr. EVANS said : 

Mr. Chairman : I am fully aware that it may be 
deemed, by some, both improper and presumptu- 
ous, in a new member of this House, to dissent 
from the opinions or dispute the policy of older, 
wiser, and more experienced statesmen, and espe- 
cially if these wield the powers and wear the 
dignities of administrative functions, or occupy 
the position of guiding lights, and exponents of 
great and influential parties. Nevertheless, my 
own reason and conscience aTke compel me to 
differ with certain distinguished leaders and mas- 
ters of political authority ; and the same interior 
and earnest monitors of the mind prompt me to 
the expression of that disagreement with all the 
intellectual force which 1 may be able to command; 
but yet in the teims and spirit of a just, impartial, 
and courteous criticism. And, although a sense of 
public duty constrains me to present several facts 
which may prove unpleasant to the feelings of 
others, I can well assure them, one and all, that I 
am actuated by no unworthy motives of unkind- 
ness, or the wish to inflict unnecessary pain. 

The session is now rapidly drawing to a close, 
when all its acts will be fixed forever in the an- 
nals of the irrevocable past. But, before the day 
of final adjournment, I desire to record my dissat- 
isfaction with the poverty of the results which 
have been effected by all its profuse expenditures 
of time, talents, and energy. There lies around 
us, in unsightly confusion, a vast arrearage of ne- 
glected affairs, both foreign and domestic, which, 
as a debt of honor to our own dignity and of re- 
spect to our own constituents, should at least have 
been subjected to the complaisance of a discus- 
sion. 

The whole country is aggrieved and disgraced 
by the utter inefficiency of our only nominal Navy, 
so strangely disproportionate to the grandeur and 
greatness of our mercantile marine. But still no 
well-digested plan has been suggested, no vigorous 
movement has been made for its reorganization or 
improvement. Our coast defences are notoriously 
and even shamefully inadequate. We have no 
sufficient and systematic scheme of protection for 
our immense frontier, infested as it is by roving 
and ruthless bands of hostile savages. But wor-e 
than all, we have no safe or suitable lines of com- 
munication between the heart and centre of the 
Republic, aDd those remote, yet imperial posses- 



sions that stretch far away through so many db- 
grees of latitude along the shores of the Pacific 
ocean ; and at this very hour, all the treasures and 
trade of California are held by us as tenants at .-of- 
ferance by the mere mercy of that great maritime 
Power who arrogantly and truly boasts, " that she 
can, at her own pleasure, cut in twain the inter- 
state commerce of the Union!" And with that 
same mighty Power, the most sagacious and politic 
in the world, we have issues, both old and new, 
of the utmost importance, and of the most com- 
plicated character, which demand immediate atten- 
tion, and speedy adjustment. There are delicate 
questions connected with Central America, wivh 
Cuba, with Hayti, and others, growing out of dif- 
ferent interpretations of public and international 
law, which, at any the most unexpected moment, 
and while we remain destitute of all prudent 
preparation for so desperate a conflict, may in- 
volve us in the horrors of a war with the greatest 
maritime power on the globe. 

It is not my design or desire to enumerate the 
wrongs which we have suffered at the hands of 
England, for the purpose of exciting national pre- 
judices, or to widen the unnatural breach betwoen 
the people of the United States and their brethren 
of the British Islands, bound together, as they are^ 
by such numerous and endearing ties of interest, 
as well as affection. I would not, if I could, pro- 
voke a quarrel with that other and older branch 
of the great Anglo-Saxon stock, from whom we 
derive our blood, our language, and our religion ; 
and to whom all the rest of mankind, and the glo- 
rious cause of liberty, law, and progressive ciTifi- 
zation, stand so very largely and permanently in- 
debted on the broad ledger of the world's history. 
I desire only, in a calm and philosophic spirit, to 
state those grievances which a wise and prudent 
policy should endeavor, by vigorous, but if possi- 
ble, by pacific means, to redress, and thus prevent 
the occasion and all necessity for the dire appeal 
to the umpirage of arms — an event that every in- 
telligent mind must regard as a most terrible 
calamity to both countries, and to the human spe- 
cies. 

But it does no: follow as a logical sequence, that 
the assei ".ion and maintenance of our independent 
cmd sovi reign rights and interests as a great na- 
tion, or that the fulfilment of our exalted and 
wonderful destiny, will tend to disastrous collisions 
with any other Power. On the contrary, a firm, 
I just, and fearless policy towards foreign Gover»- 
! ments, claiming every privilege to which we are 






fairly entitled, and resenting evea the appearance 
of a wrong, is the surest of all methods to secure 
the blessings of a prosperous ai:d permanent peace. 
It is with nations as with individuals. As a gen- 
eral rule, their rights will &nlv be respected when 
they unite the will with the ability to defend them. 
There are some timorous statesmen, who seem in- 
clined to patient and uncomplaining submission un- 
der any aggravation or amount of injury, from their 
morbid and imaginary horror at the dangers of 
war. These sensitive and over-cautious politicians 
misapprehend the real character and tendencies of 
the age. They utterly forget and ignore the great 
fact, that there are far mightier agencies at work 
in this modern world of ours, than any fleets 
which ever swept the ocean, or than any armies 
that can thunder on the land. The day has pa--' sd, 
never to return, when masses of mere muscle, or 
bundles of brute force could crush the hopes and 
sway the destinies of mankind. Nations now con- 
tend lor supremacy with weapons of a totally dif- 
ferent description, and of inconceivably greater 
power. They solve the problems which time and 
changing circumstances raise between them, by 
the subtleties of diplomacy, the energies of the 
intellect, the measureless strength of public opin- 
ion, the weight of irresistible argument, and the 
world-wide potencies of an all-embracing com- 
merce. They struggle, not with naked nerves, 
or with fire and steel, but with moral and spiritual 
arms, with sciences, arts, civilization, and with all 
the noble impulses and institutions that spring up 
from the teeming bosom of Christian society. And 
what people can be compared to ours in any of 
these particulars? In one element of material 
wealth alone, we possess a magical and almost 
fabulous power to control all the enlightened com- 
munities of the earth. We need not fear any or 
all of the coalesced potentates of Europe, while 
cotton, the world-king, is our agent and ally in 
every capital on the globe. In short, our geo- 
graphical position, and the immensity of our re- 
sources, long ago justified us in assuming a far 
higher station among the great Governments of 
Christendom, than we have yet had the boldness 
to demand. 

But unfortunately, a weak and wavering policy, 
sometimes timid and truckling, and then again at 
inopportune seasons audacious and insolent, has 
well-nigh rendered us contemptible oven to the 
petty powers of Spanish America, while the royal 
courts and crowned heads of the other hemisphere 
treat our noisy assertion of the Monroe doctrine 
as "mere bluster and bravado." 

Acting under this erroneous impression, for 
which she saw too many apparent reasons in the 
singular conduct of the Administration, England 
adopted her unjust and unwarrantable interpreta- 
tion of the Clay ton-Iiulwer treaty, urging our utter 
exclusion from every square foot of soil in Central 
America, while she claimed the right of holding 
the strongest and most important military and 
commercial positions. The bare statement of 
such a construction, as the Bubstance of a com- 
pact betwei q equal and indepi 
ib sufficient to expose its absurdity; for no Gov- 
ernment mperior- 
■ uce to any given matter 
cf dispute, even after the terrors of the most furi- 



ous war, when victory and conquest had decided 
the question. The very supposition is preposter- 
ous and self-contradictory, and must be viewed 
in that light by every intelligent Englishman — 
that any free nation, in a state of peaee, and unin- 
fluenced by overwhelming fears, should volunta- 
rily form a solemn treaty, in which all the gain 
and glory were to be on the other side, and all the 
loss on their own ! The assumption is repelled 
by all history and by the unchanging laws of hu- 
man nature, that either masses of men or individ- 
uals will relinquish important powers and privi- 
leges without some appearance of an adequate, or 
at least appreciable, consideration. But in the 
case supposed by the British interpretation, there 
is not even the semblance or shadow of recipro- 
city. It stands alone in the annals of diplomacy 
a3 a solitary instance of suicidal generosity on the 
one part, and of insolent, unparalleled cupidity and 
presumption on the other. 

This, however, was only the inception of a sys- 
tematic series of open and covert aggressions. 
England did not long remain satisfied with the 
perpetration of that verbal outrage. The ink was 
scarcely dry on the parchment by which the com- 
pact had been ratified, when she violently wrested 
from the impotent State of Honduras the whole of 
the Roatan Islands — that interesting group which 
covers the fine route to California, as surveyed by 
the skill of Squiers. These she now possesses as 
colonial instruments to bar a future highway for 
our trade and travel to the waters of the Pacific 
ocean. But although this act of wanton usurpa- 
tion was done in 1850, or half a dozen years ago, 
yet up to the present hour the Government of the 
United States has not succeeded in obtaining either 
redress, or even explanation for the injury. 

Again; that outrage was duplicated at San Juan; 
for, no sooner had American enterprise and capi- 
tal opened through the forests of Nicaragua a new 
and speedy transit to the enchanting laud of gold 
— the American State of California — than the 
grasping hand of England hastened to seize the 
northern gate of this great American highway, by 
plundering Nicaragua as she had previously plun- 
dered Honduras ; and all this, too, in a time 
of profound peace. And, defiant of both reason 
and remonstrance, she still holds these actually 
conquered positions as a double menace over 
American commerce. 

But, notwithstanding such manifest encroach- 
ments on American rights, and notorious infrac- 
tions of national faith, solemnly plighted by the 
clearest stipulations of a formal treaty, we have 
not yet, after the lapse of six years of the most 
patient and submissive endurance, mustered the 
necessary resolution to perform one positive or 
practical deed in defence of the famous Monroe 
doctrine. It is true, there have been some eloquent 
speeches on the subject, with a beautiful display 
of diplomatic notes; but no energetic measures, 
no similitude of results, nothing, in fact, which by 
any possibility could effect a favorable adjustment 
of the questions in controversy. 
I will not now discuss the curious drama of tbe 
ment quarrel, in which our Government, at 
[early in the right, managed its diplomacy 
with so much perverse ingenuity as to be. at the 
last, as clearly in the wrong, and only failed to 



involve two great countries, connected by innu 
inerable ties of affection and interest, in the 
flames of a destroying; strife, from the friendly 
feelings and extraordinary intelligence of their 
respective commercial classes, and the generous 
forbearance, in this instance at least, of the Brit- 
ish ministry. Had Mr. Crampton been dismissed 
immediately on the discovery of his offence, all 
the world would have approved the act, and there 
the matter must have euded. But to procrasti- 
nate and delay the deed until the English Govern- 
ment had offered the most ample and honorable 
amends that ever one independent Power ten- 
dered to another, and then to refuse and even 
spurn the apology, had the aspect of a useless and 
gratuitous insult, which, it is to be feared, will be 
atoned for in the future by the concession of much 
more momentous points. 

Neither will I dwell upon the inexplicable fact, 
that England would not permit us to accept the 
Sandwich Islands, that beautiful group of emerald 
gardens planted, as it were, by the kind hand_ of 
Providence on the tranquil bosom of the Pacific 
ocean, as havens of refuge and refreshment for 
our Asiatic trade, although they were twice offer- 
ed to the Federal Government by the only power 
pretending to any authority, or competent to treat 
on the subject. Why such an invaluable political 
boon was not received with corresponding eager- 
ness and joy, our rulers have not condescended to 
explain ; and I will for the moment respect the 
mysterious veil which they have so carefully thrown 
around the secrets of the Cabinet. 

But there lies another diplomatic mystery nearer 
home, almost at our very doors, which I have no 
intention to respect, or leave in political darkness. 
When the prowess of the Dominican people had 
redeemed Eastern Hayti from the horrors of an- 
archy, under African misrule, the first foreign 
movement of the new and liberated community 
was an humble and earnest supplication to the 
United States for the recognition of their inde- 
pendence. The Island of Hayti, as it is well 
known, forms the key to the Caribbean Sea, as 
•Cuba does to the Gulf of Mexico;' and hence, 
every consideration of interest, combined with 
the nighest motives of justice, sympathy, and hu- 
manity, all called upon us to cultivate the kindest 
and most intimate relations with the young repub- 
lic ; for there is not another free, white, or truly 
American Government in the entire circle of the 
West India group. That is the only liberal or 
friendly Power who overlooks the path of our 
Central American transits. All the rest, save the 
negro despotism of Hayti, are European colonies, 
the property of nations the most inimical to 
American prosperity and progress. It was, there- 
fore, a self-evident and solemn political duty on 
our part to defend and foster this lovely but soli- 
tary oasis of constitutional liberty in the dreary, 
surrounding desert of African and European dom- 
ination. It was immediately after their emancipa- 
tion in 1844, that the Dominican people made 
their earliest appeal for friendship and moral assist- 
ance to " the great model and mother of American 
Republics," as in the language of intense and affec- 
tionate admiration they styled the United States; 
and it is difficult even to imagine the reasons why 
their request was so long denied or disregarded. 



Mr. Fillmore's administration attempted some 
slight advances in that direction, but the emissa- 
ries of European courts, and the advocates of ne- 
gro ascendency, opposed the measure with such 
vehement denunciation as caused it to be aban- 
doned. 

After a brief interval, the attention of President 
Pierce was called to the singular condition of the 
brave and suffering Dominicans. For ten years, 
they had struggled against incessant African in- 
vasions, and gallantly maintained their freedom 
in spite of negro numbers and the cunning of 
European intrigues. Such a spectacle could not 
fail to excite the sympathy of the new Adminis- 
tration, then in perfect accordance with popular 
opinion and will, and pledged alike to the cause 
of justice and generosity, as well as to a large and 
enlightened system of American policy, by the 
sonorous sentences of the inaugural. As a con- 
sequence, General William Cazneau, a man favor- 
ably known in the military and civil aunals of 
Texas, was directed to proceed to Eastern Hayti, 
in the character of a special agent, for the purpose 
of inquiring into the political state of its people, 
and their ability to sustain a national existence. 
After a careful investigation, he returned to Wash- 
ington in April, 1854, and submitted an affirma- 
tive report. In the following June, he was com- 
missioned to negotiate a treaty with the Dominican 
Government, and the frigate Columbia carried him 
to St. Domingo, where he arrived in July of the 
same year. Both himself and his propositions 
were most cordially greeted by President Santana, 
and the business proceeded harmoniously, not- 
withstanding the opposition of the European con- 
suls and their efforts with the blacks to defeat its 
consummation. 

Very soon, however, the British consul informed 
the Dominican President, that his Government 
protested against, and would firmly oppose, any 
agreement which would open new harbors to 
American commerce, or give a coal depot to the 
United States within the territories of the island; 
and menacing remonstrances of a still more inso- 
lent character were urged upon the fears of the 
members of Congress, at that time in session. 
But more ominous and outrageous still, the arro- 
gant English official could point to a significant 
warrant for his threats in the presence of a pow- 
erful squadron in the port. The agents of France 
also concurred to the fullest extent in this scheme 
to prevent the ratification of the treaty between 
two sovereign and independent countries ; and in- 
fluenced by this double duress, the Dominican 
President was compelled to recede. Indeed he 
could no longer be considered a free functionary, 
but the mere instrument and slave of the Europe- 
an courts. 

General Cazneau protested, in the most spirited 
manner, against this foreign dictatioa and unau- 
thorized interference to frustrate negotiations be- 
twixt two American powers, and urged as an un- 
answerable objection the principle of the Monroe 
doctrine.- But, unfortunately, he was not sus- 
tained by the vigorous ac:ion of an Administra- 
tion that assumed the reins of Government as the 
open and avowed champion of that noble and ne- 
cessary policy. No one will pretend to deny, that 
the interposition of England and France to break 






a perfectly legitimate compact — a treaty of 
ity and commerce, with do unusual or novel 
mlations — was a plain and almost unprece- 
ited infringement of the law of nation?, and a 
;ct attack upon our sovereignty and independ- 
e. Nevertheless, up to the present moment, 
a single energetic measure has been instituted 
seek redress. No excuse, apology, or sem- 
nce of explanation has been offered. Our rude 
lulsion from the key of the Caribbean sea re- 
ins in the same category of subdued, silent, 
1 shameful submission, with the British seizure 
he strong gates of our Honduras and Nicara- 
i routes to California and Oregon. 
Jut we have another, and a far more aggravated, 
se of complaint against England, and one of 
ch longer standing. I allude to her secret, 
ister, and persevering policy in reference to 
Da. The briefest glance at the map and marine 
rts is sufficient to prove, even by ocular dem- 
tration, the natural and eternal connection of 
t beautiful island — the royal and radiant gem 
the Antilles — with the development and desti- 
3 of our own progress and civilization through- 
all the ages of coming time. It is seen to lie 
s a lovely infant by the side of a lovelier mother, 
:ping, as it were, in the very embraces of the 
ion. It almost kisses our shores. It flourishes 
the shadow of our trees. The echoes of the 
rning gun that booms over the blue-tinted 
,ers from the castle of the Spanish despot, vex 
I agitate the free aroma of flowers which every 
itle breeze wafts from the Cape of Florida. It 
he single key to the great oceanic gate of the 
y liquid highway from the Atlantic cities to the 
uth of the Mississippi river — that ever-flowing 
I fresh-watered Mediterranean of America, the 
gnificent mother of so many States. And thus 
3 capable of being used, at any moment, as an 
urmountable barrier against the necessary tran- 
i of the two principal divisions of the Union. It 
ads now as a perpetual menace — a check upon 
• natural expansion, a danger to our interests, 
1 perhaps to our very existence — a rankling 
irn in our side, even in time of peace. It is 
jossible, then, to estimate how perilous it must 
ive in the case of war — with the incalculable 
jngth of its natural positions increased by all 
: skill of engineering art — with its numerous 
1 capacious harbors, the best in the world, in 
b of which alone a thousand ships of the line 
?ht ride at ease, without anchor or cable, defi- 
t and fearless of the tropical tempests. 
Iheee facts, and a variety of others equally im- 
rtant and applicable, which I shall not, at pres- 
t, pause to enumerate, as being too generally 
own to require special mention, fully. justify the 
ion that, for the United States, the pos- 
ision of Cuba is a great national i 
:anr.ot go as far as some do — is the famous Os- 
)d conference, for instance. I cannot affirm 
it, for us, under all conceivable circumsti 
j annexation of Cuba is a p .skive necessity. It 
certain! 'table, and from many 

gent reasons. It is ours by the gift of God and 
ture, by contiguity ana 1 collocation, and by the 
sarest sanctions of the law of nations, because it 
dangerous to our pea e and safety while in other 
ads than our own. All this I concede and be- 



lieve; but necessity implies more that, this — 
we must have it, and cannot even exist as an in- 
dependent people without it. And this no one 
regards as true in any other than a rhetorical 
sense, ad captandum mobility, in which, indeed,:': 
is always employed. For we have existed, and 
flourished, too, beyond all precedent in the his- 
tory of the world, without the conjunction of that 
charming island. There is one contingency, how- 
ever, in which the possession of Cuba might be 
almost, or perhaps quite, a national necessity ; and 
in which we would be justified in seizing it by 
force, on the principle of precaution for self-preser- 
vation. I allude to the case of a rational probability 
of its transfer to any one of the leading European 
Powers. On that supposition, the danger to the 
United States would be so imminent as to require 
an immediate resort to arms for its prevention, at 
every cost and at all hazards. And I propose to 
show in the sequel, that the probability stated is 
neither remote nor imaginary, but a very near and 
menacing reality. Nevertheless, until it becomes 
present, palpable, and, as it were, overwhelming, 
I would not have the country plunged into the 
fiery vortex of war; because, as I think, we hav e 
as effectual, yet pacific, means to avert the calam- 
ity. 

It is urged by the European diplomatists, and 
re-echoed in this hemisphere, that we can offer no 
sufficient argument for the acquisition of Cuba; 
that, as the visible key to the Gulf of Mexico rs 
held by the impotent and unwarlike Government 
of Spain, with no naval force to shut that ocean 
gate, therefore, we have nothing to fear, either 
in peace or war. 

This objectijn would be entirely relevant, and 
indeed decisive, if the assumption were true, as 
stated. But I deny the facts in general, and in 
every particular. I deny that the Spanish is the 
real power predominant on the island. Far other- 
wise. I stand prepared to show, to convince the 
most skeptical, that Cuba is as much under the 
control of Great Britain as her impregnable capital 
of Lower Canada. I assert and can demonstrate, 
that by a long series of i. sidious approaches, 
England has, at last, got the beautiful queen ol 
the Antilles by the throat, and that the ruthless 
gripe will newr be relinquished, at least volunta- 
rily, until her bleeding victim lies writhing and 
dying in the dust suffocated by a million negro 
hands! I affirm that this is a principle of English 
policy as fixed and immovable as the polar star,, 
and that she has stealthily but steadily pursued it 
for more than the quarter of a century. 

Interrogate the facts. As early a^ 1817, Great 
Britain effected a treaty with Spain for the osten- 
sible purpose of suppressing the slave trade, the 
stipulations to be enforced from the year ! v _ 
It does not become me, nor is it suited to my 
to question the motives which primarily dic- 
tated the measure. They may have been suffi- 
ciently pure and praiseworthy at first; but what- 
ever generous sparks of philanthropy may ! 
warmed or illumined the birth of the political 
b&ntling, the liberal fire has long ago been smoth- 
ered out by diplomatic craft and schemes of self- 
iggrandizement. By the compact to which I 
have alluded, England and Spain established the 
"mixed commission," as it was called, in which 



both Powers were equally represented, and which 
possessed the high authority to determine,, with- 
out appeal, what negroes had been introduced 

Cuba in violation of the treaty, and conse- 
quently, what blacks were entitled to their free- 
dom. Prima f ink, this provision did not appear 
unjust, irrational, or in any degree dangerous. 
But mark the sequel. The negroes pronounced 
lice were cot to ^e restored to the enjoyment of 
their natural liberty, not returned to their native 
land on the shores of Africa. On the contraay, 
they were doomed by this very same mixed com- 
mission, to the worst, the most cruel species of 
slavery ever invented or ever imagined, under the 
mild and merciful name of apprenticeship. When- 
ever a human cargo was captured in the vicinity 
of the island, or discovered after being landed, 
they were turned over to the Captain-General to 
be articled out for a term of years, under the 
transparent pretext of undergoing a pupilage and 
preparation for the final state of freedom, but in 
reality for the purpose of coiling an infrangible 
chain around the bosom of Cuba — to bind her 
hand and foot in helpless, hopeless subjection to 
the domination of England. 

Was not this a splendid scheme of philan- 
thropy, so pure in theory, so politic in fact? 
What critic could be so cruel as to find fault with 
a plan of abolition at once so generous, so philo- 
sophic, so prudent, which provided a system of 
culture and education for freedom before it was 
to be realized ? All very well ; but better than 
all, it proved a most profitable speculation. It 
put money in the pockets of the projectors. For 
ever}' negro apprenticed out by the Captain-Gen- 
eral, that disinterested and philanthropic func- 
tionary received a golden gratuity of from fifty to 
one hundred dollars, as a premium on the con- 
tract. Thus high was the privilege of wardship 
over the savages of Africa estimated by their 
Creole and European guardians. Nor need any 
one be surprised at the magnitude of this bonus, 
nor at the liberality of the masters who paid it, 
nor yet at the enormous annual revenue derived 
from that source by the Spanish Governors; be- 
cause the apprenticeship, as all the parties con- 
cerned well knew, was virtually an agreement for 
life. The only nominal emancipados and their 
children melted away, and became undistinguish- 
ably lost in the great mass of the servile popula- 
tion. Not one in ten thousand ever again heard 
another faint or far-off whisper of the word "lib- 
erty." 

But why, it may be asked, should the Govern- 
ment of England sanction such a system of wanton 
wickedness and unblushing hypocrisy ? Can any 
one entertain the shadow of a doubt as to the so 
obvious reason ? This device of organized impe- 
rial outrage and wrong gave her that irresistible 
weight, and terrible political supremacy, which 
she now possesses over the island. By virtue of 
the treaty, she claims the legal protectorate of 
half a million apprentices, all baibarous blacks, 
on whose complete emancipation she can insist 
at any moment which may suit her caprice or 
convenience. Tnis is the fiery sword which she 
holds suspended, in terrorem, over impotent and 
cringing Spain, as well as over the appalled and 
shuddering Creoles. 



Under such circumstances, it ci matter 

of surprise that the scheme, instead of repress- 
ing, tended to stimulate and enlarge the activities 
of the traffic in slaves, since it interested all parties 
in the extension and continuance of that accursed 
commerce. It cheapened the price of negroes for 
the Cuban masters ; it filled to plethora the coffers 
of the Captain-General ; and, more than all, it 
favored the policy of England to absolute ascend- 
ency on the island. Wc have seen the rationale 
— now behold the result. England to-day, or any 
day when she chooses, possesses the power to 
speak one word mightier than magic, to roll back 
the wheels of our destiny, to arrest the velocity 
of our progress — nay, to shake on their deepest 
foundations the strongest and most enduring 
pillars of our Republic : and that word, more 
dreadful than war, pestilence, or famine, is the 
Africanization of Cuba ! Such is the end ; and 
can any intelligent mind, having traced the means 
by which it has been accomplished, doubt for an 
instant that it accords with her intention, and is 
the ripe fruit of her sleepless sagacity ? I would 
not censure unjustly, or with too much severity, 
the conduct or character of any Government, 
abroad or at home. I deem nations entitled to 
the courtesies of civil speech, and the amenity 
and moderation of an impartial judgment on their 
actions, as much as individuals; but I cannot 
forbear stating it as my humble, yet deliberate, 
opinion, that the insidious course of English ag- 
gression, in reference to Cuba, has no parallel 
either on the pages of Roman perfidy, or in the 
darker annals of Punic faith. 

Nor can it be pretended, by way of apology, 
with the least show of plausibility, that England 
has managed and manoeuvred to gain this impreg- 
nable vantage ground * ith no design to its ultimate 
practical use. On the contrary, it seems to be her 
unwavering purpose to employ it on the first suit- 
able occasion, and without stint or mercy. Sha 
has even taken the initiatory steps, whenever aa 
opportunity appeared to offer. It is notorious thss 
the Captain General, Pezuela, was in the very 
act of yielding to her urgent solicitations, when 
the tempest of popular indignation burst forth 
among the Cuban Creoles, inaugurating the brief 
and sudden revolution which led to the banish- 
ment of the lamented Lopez. The signs and 
proofs of this conspiracy against civilization and 
in favor of bloody and brutal barbarism were both 
numerous and cogent. In submissive obedience 
to the mandates of his imperial ally and master, 
the complaisant governor repealed the laws forbid- 
ding intermarriage betwixt the free aud servile 
races. Disgusting blacks and insolent half-breeds 
were received with distinguished eclat and cor- 
diality at the official levees of the vice-royal palace. 
And the lowest slaves, in hasty anticipation of the 
promised equality to be consummated under the 
new regime of amalgamation, began to exercise 
the insulting privilege of bowing to the most beau- 
tiful white ladies in the streets, and of paying their 
respects even in the boudoir. Comment on such 
gross and unnatural indecencies is as nee>; 
it would be offensive and cruel. 

Nor were these the only or the most malignant 
indications of the English intrigue. The rigoroir 
and despotic censorship that controls the Cuba;. 






8 



press exceeds anything known or recorded under 
the mental tyranny of the dark ages. Not a line 
or paragraph, not so much as an advertisement 
/or the sale of a horse at public auction, can find 
a place in the journals without first passing through 
the fiery ordeal of a jealous criticism, and obtain- 
ing the approval of the Government. When, 
therefore, every newspaper in the island opened a 
discussion on the topic of slavery, and endeavored 
to surpass each other in eulogizing the benefits of 
1 free labor; when floods of pamphkt3 were poured 
around the country, instituting highly-colored 
comparisons betwixt the relative prosperity of 
Kentucky and Ohio, much in the same style of 
argument as we hear the point exhibited on this 
floor ; then the whole Creole population took the 
alarm, fully conscious that their doom had been 
pronounced, and determined, if possible, to pre- 
vent the execution by the overthrow of the pro- 
consular despotism under which they had so long 
writhed and suffered. Their organization, with 
that view, embraced every native patriot in Cuba. 
But, although they received the warmest sympa- 
thy and some partial aid from the citizens of the 
United States, the American Administration threw 
its weight on the side of the tyrants, in direct op- 
position to the ardent wishes and dearest interests 
of our own people ; and the heroic enterprise of 
Lopez miscarried. The glittering gem of the An- 
tilles, which had so nearly been snatched away 
forever from the quivering crown of Spain, was 
restored to its place, though covered with blood 
and bitter tears. 

Nevertheless, the effort had not proved alto- 
gether vain and unavailing. It terrified the Span- 
ish Government, and suspended, for a time, the 
intrigues of England. What might have been pre- 
dicted before was now self-evident : the physical 
and moral impossibility of Africanizing Cuba, 
without the utter extermination of all its white 
inhabitants; for this is the true and tremendous 
alternative wherever the two races exist together 
i n any considerable numbers. Nature has sepa- 
rated them by lines so deeply marked and strongly 
colored as to render every idea of practical equal- 
ity between them the wildest of all conceivable 
political delusions. Reason revolts, the heart 
shudders, the inmost soul sickens at the bare con- 
ception. 

Things remained in statu quo until the election 
of General Pierce, when the people of Cuba, in 
common with the friends of human freedom 
throughout the world, hailed that auspicious 
event as the bright dawning of a new and glo- 
rious day in the annals of progress and liberal 
opinions. Nor was this feeling of jubilant and 
general joy discouraged, or in any degree 
tised by the splendid promises of that eloquent 
inaugural, which created a whirlwind of enthu- 
siasm, such as never before hailed the inspiring 
■words of any, even the most popular and power- 
ful President. Indeed, there seemed to be ample 
cause for such universal, hopeful, triumphant 
gratulation. For everywhere, but more especi- 
ally in the southern States, the question of Cuban 
liberation had formed one of the chief and strong- 
est issues in the canvass. I myself did battle 
almost exclusively on that high and fortified 
ground in the department of Texas. And now, 



when tho victo:y had been gain d, and the new 
Administration came into power amidst the blaze 
; of a sun-burst of glowing, unprecedented popu- 
larity, its first official declaration appeared to jus- 
tify all the wishes and expectations of the great 
progressive party whose influence and suffrages 
had given it the ascendency. 

Immediately, as if by enchantment, the revo- 
lutionary clubs were reorganized all over the 
Island of Cuba, the movement including all 
; Creole population. They collected money in al- 
most fabulous profusion, and dispatched it to 
I their leaders and allies in the United States. A 
| systematic plan of action was devised that could 
[ not possibly have failed of entire success, had 
it not been for the extraordinary and unaccount- 
able conduct of that very Power on (which the 
patriots most confidently relied. I mean our own 
Government. They counted with certainty, as 
they and all the world besides thought they had 
' a right to count, upon the sympathy and 
approval, or, at least, upon the neutrality of the 
Administration at Washington ; and acting under 
this fatal delusion, their Junta from New York 
hastened to pay their respects at the Federal city. 
They were received with the greatest kindness 
and courtesy, and greeted with encouraging cor- 
i diality by the President. But it was Secretary 
' Marcy who tendered them the warmest welcome,. 
: and signified a virtual confirmation of their high- 
' est hopes, 'to him they made the frank and full 
revelation of their plan for the redemption of 
; their native land. And now mark well the reply 
! of the politic premier — the answer which will yet 
, be inscribed on the records of history — " The 
people want Cuba, and the Administration, as the 
servants of the people, must carry out their 
j wishes'." 

Deceived by this apparently plain and unequiv- 
ocal official sanction, the exultant and enthusiastic- 
1 Creoles unwisely dismissed their usual prudence, 
: and disclosed all the mir.utc, even the m< 
1 operandi of their schemes, retaining only some 
personal facts which might dangerously implicate 
individuals. But of these, too, there is reason to 
believe the American Government resolved to ob- 
tain possession. A short time afterwards, a mys- 
terious emissary appeared in the Island of Cuba, 
: claiming to be a commissioner of the United States, 
I and authorized to confer with the chiefs of the 
revolutionary party. In that definite character. 
j thi3 extraordinary agent was introduced to the 
J principal and central club at ITavana, and by the 
| American consul of the port. No one doubted — 
indeed, the most scrupulous or skeptical couKl 
' not well doubt that he was accredited as stated ; 
j and as a natural consequence he mastered every 
I remaining secret of the organization, of a personal 
I as well as of a political nature. The fortunes of 
I Cuba — nay, the very liberties and lives of its 
brave defenders, were completely at his mercy, 
and, perhaps, that of the Administration. 

The emissary having accomplished his purpose, 
whatever that might be, and whether good or evil, 
disappeared from the island, returning, as it may 
fairly be supposed, to his master at Wasbiugton. 
At all events, instantly, and as unexpectedly, a 
wonderful change came over the spirit of Mr. 
Marcy's political dream. His Cuban sympathy 



•exhaled away like morning dews before the sun- 
beam. The Junta, were coolly informed that noth- 
ing could be done, or even tolerated, in favor of 
their policy. One member of the Cabinet object- 
ed, that they had not chosen the proper man to 
lead the movement. Pompous •proclamations thun- 
dered against the piratical filibusters, who had 
proved themselves BO very piratical by the election 
of General Pieree; while swift-sailing frigates and 
steamers of war were dispatched in all haste, to 
intercept any ill-starred expedition which might 
depart from our ports to alarm the castles, or dis- 
turb the luxurious ease and quiet of the proconsu- 
lar tyrant. 

However, had the denouement of the singular 
drama ended here, its perfidy might, by a great 
stretch of clemency, have been excused, or, per- 
chance; pardoned. But, alas! simultaneously 
with the apostacy of the Administration, and the 
magical metamorphosis of its placid, approving 
smiles for the most ominous frowns of anger and 
aversion, an unexampled tragedy of blood and 
terror was opened on the stage of Cuba. All the 
plans of the revolutionary organization were com- 
municated to the delighted ears of the Captain- 
General. Even a list of names containing those 
of all the leading and most illustrious patriots was 
laid on his table. As an inevitable result, the 
discovery thoroughly aroused the fury of the wild 
beast. The chiefs of the contemplated enterprise 
— all who might be considered dangerous to the 
existing despotism by their wealth, talents, or in- 
fluence — all whose known opinions or suspected 
proclivities rendered them in any degree odious to 
the truculent tyrant and his pitiful tools — all who 
had friends or relatives engaged in the glorious 
scheme of popular liberation, were subjected, 
without delay or discrimination, to the horrors of 
a ruthless and unrelenting persecution — were 
robbed, ruined, garoted, and many of them ex- 
posed to tortures of refined cruelty, and to im- 
prisonment in perpetuity, a doom worse than the 
most painful and ignominious death. Nor did the 
general and crushing blow fall alcne, or spend its 
infuriate force on the stronger or more resolute 
sex. The beautiful dark-eyed daughters of Cuba 
had been ardent enthusiasts in the great cause of 
independence. They had stripped the golden 
bracelets from thei" fairy arms — had torn the 
starry jewels from the wreaths of their raven 
hair, to purchase weapons and munitions of war 
for the great work of their country's redemption. 
And they, too, must suffer the penalty. To-day — 
oh ! foul blot on the printed page of modern civ- 
ilization — indelible di-^race and fiery shame to the 
solemn mockeries of Spanish justice — these lovely 
heroines, who deserved statues of monumental 
marble, pure and white as the unsunned snow 
fresh fallen from its native heaven, and eternal 
as the hills from which the granite of their glory 
should be hewed by the hand of some divine art- 
ist — yes, to day, at this very instant, these angels 
•of liberty, in the most fascinating forms of bewitch- 
ing womankind, are clanking their heavy chains 
in the depth and darkness of Spanish dungeons! 
And all these atrocious wrongs and outrages re- 
sulted from treachery as atrocious, and far more 
criminally revolting. But who* was the traitor? 
What wretch insinuated himself into Creole confi- 



dence to spy out and sell their secrets — to give 
the best blood of their fathers and brothers to the 
garote, and the beauty of their wives and sisters 
to the keeping of brutal jailers? Shuddering hu- 
manity asks the question. Shall it remain with- 
out an answer ? 

For myself, I shall accuse no one. The crime, 
whoever may have been the perpetrator, stands 
almost alone and isolated in the annals of human 
infamy, and seems so stupendous as almost to 
stagger belief. In surveying the magnitude and 
superlative meanness of such an offence, one needs 
guard his most just and generous impulses from 
undue excitement to the perversion and discolor- 
ing of his calm, collected reason. I cannot, there- 
fore, assume the onerous responsibility of the ar- 
raignment or prosecution of the gigantic political 
felon. I will not even draw the first count of the 
indictment. I will only state the fact, and let it 
pass for what it may be worth, that the Creoles 
themselves, who have been so terribly aggrieved 
by the treachery, and who ought, perhaps, to be 
esteemed the best judges in the case, lay all the 
guilt an the door of the office appropriated to the 
high functions of the Secretary of State; and they 
urge in proof of the grave and aggravateidcharge, 
the circumstances which I have previously detail- 
ed, especially the mission of the secret agent 6ent, 
or said to be sent, from Washington to Havana, 
and the sudden, unlooked-for, and inexplicable 
change of tone and spirit in the Federal Cabinet 
towards the friends of Cuban freedom, that occur- 
red about that time. They allege, moreover, that 
no citizen of the island could have made the fata 1 
revelation to the ears of the Captain-General, as 
none deserted the patriotic cause, and none was 
promoted to honor or influence — the rewards 
which must surely have been accorded to profita- 
ble perfidy. These cruel accusers go even further, 
and boldly assert, that from the first, the pretend- 
ed sympathy of the Secretary was an affected 
sham and delusion to obtain the possession of their 
plans, and twrn common informer for the benefit 
of the Spanish court— in short, that he played the 
part of a diplomatic Judas to kiss and betray 
them. 

Such is the nature of the charge. But although 
the circumstantial evidence tending to support the 
conclusion, has almost, if not quite, the strength 
of what lawyers term a natural presumption, the 
moral treason supposed is so transcendent that I 
cannot bring myself to give it credit. And yet, 
j the probability is too strong for utter disbelief. 
| The mind, therefore, remains in a state of equilib- 
I rium, suspended in the centre of a logical circle, 
' betwixt two presumptions equally violent, and 
I apparently irresistible. But I am always inclined 
! to adopt the most charitable construction of a 
j criminal case. And I think that the merciful sup- 
position would be, that the transformation of the 
Secretary's ideas and intentions in reference to 
Cuban liberation, was a real metempsychosis — one 
I of those instantaneous and astonishing oscillations 
i of policy which have so remarkably distinguished 
the present Administration. I do not deny that 
even this hypothesis is burdened with great ob- 
jections. It still leaves unsolved the sunless mys- 
tery, the dark riddle of the veiled and monstrous 
sphinx — the mission of the secret spy, or emissary, 



10 



introduced by the American consul to tbe revolu- 
tionary club at the port of Havana. 

I am, however, less disposed to press this 
branch of the general accusation, as the Secretary 
must be pronounced guilty beyond all question on 
the remainder. He never should have ventured 
the explicit encouragement of Cuban liberation ; 
or, having so ventured, he should have kept his 
pledge in the teeth of every contingency. And it 
is because he wavered and wandered from the 
lofty purpose, so dear to every American heart, 
that the beautiful queen of the Mexican Gulf lies 
to-day a bleeding and helpless victim, loaded with 
fetters and trampled in the dust beneath the 
scornful feet of a feeble despot. 

There has been another and somewhat similar 
allegation uttered against the same exalted func- 
tionary in a far different quarter, which seems to 
confirm, and which, if properly substantiated, 
would entirely explain, the charge of the Cuban 
Creoles. It will be remembered that, just before 
the sitting of the convention which nominated 
General Pierce, Mr. Marcy arrogated to himself 
a high degree of credit for having harmonised 
the rival factions of the New York democracy. 
It is now said, however, and, so far as I am in- 
formed, the fact has not been publicly or author- 
itatively disputed, that he effected the hollow and 
short-lived coalition by pledging himself solemnly 
to the Free-soil party, that in the e^eut of his 
own nomination and election to the presidential 
honors, or in case he should receive a Cabinet 
appointment, he would oppose, to the last extrem- 
ity, every measure for the annexation of Cuba, as 
well as all efforts for the extension of our ternto 
ries in a southern direction. I do not vouch for 
the truth of this statement; but, admitting its 
verity, it would furnish a key for the solution of 
his very problematic conduct in the Cuban policy, 
as well as in the matters pertaining to Central 
America and San Domingo. At all events, with- 
out incurring any imputation as to the want of 
common charity or legislative courtesy, I may be 
permitted to deprecate and deplore the results of 
the Secretary's diplomacy. Behold, then, the 
startling fact, the naked and undeniable reality ! 
"We assert the political dictum of the Monroe doc- 
trine. We cherish it as a sacred principle, de- 
lightful to our feelings, and needful to our safety. 
Well, so it is — all that, and a great deal more. 
But here, directly before our doors, within the 
sweep of our telescopes, if not within the circuit 
of our natural vision — in Cuba — in clear and tangi- 
ble violation and open defiance of the Monroe 
dogma, Great Britain has introduced, under the 
pretext and cover of the mixed commission, more 
than half a million of the most dangerous colonists 
that ever set foot upon continent or island, and 
there she complacently holds them, as the blind 
and unreflecting instruments of her will, as a per- 
petual mcuace and terror to our people. Besides, 
since the inchoate and ineffectual revolutions, her 
power has actually become supreme over the 
Spa:.! linent, over the Captain-General, 

over the cringing Creoles. There is no force 
of any name or nature left in Cuba to relist her 
pleasure. Spain looks to British protection I ir 
the security of the last American jewel in 
crumbling crown; while the unhappy nativ, 



' the island, since the rude and treacherous treat- 
ment which they have experienced at our hands, 
! can have neither faith nor hope : a the United 
! States. 

For my own part, I do not envy either the na- 
I tional pride or the patriotism of the man who can 
i calmly contemplate the'eontingency o: a war with 
j Great Britain, while Cuba stands in its present 
condition. The island would instantly, and 
'facto, be turned into a British possession, as much 
| so as Jamaica, or the fortress of Gibraltar. We 
should see, in a moment, what Power had the 
authority to close the great gate 'of the Mexican 
Gulf against our commerce and all our commuica- 
tions. The strong harbor of Havana would be 
transmuted into a British naval station whence 
tall admirals, and terrible steamers, the iron- 
ribbed monsters of the deep, would issue forth to- 
attack our trade, and to thunder destruction on 
all our shores. I do not exaggerate or paint, for 
rhetorical effect, a suppositious or remote prob- 
ability. I affirm the fact, well knew:, to all the 
wor d, that for every practical purpose, England 
wields to-day a far greater power in Cuba than 
she does in Canada ; because, in the one case, it 
is exercised over a people thoroughly penetrated 
with the genius of light, intelliger.ee, and free- 
dom; but in the other, over an imbecile Govern- 
ment, and millions of ignorant slaves, savage and 
brutal blacks, from the wilds of Africa. These, to 
the enormous number of thirteen hundred thou- 
sand, are the fondled and favored wardo of Eng- 
land, while the whites amount to little more than 
a third of that sum. And those bloody barbari- 
ans England can arouse and arm whenever she 
chooses, for the utter extermination of every 
Creole in the island. It is no marvel, then, il 
Cuba trembles and writhes in the dust, appalled 
with horror in the presence of this ghastly phan- 
tom, or that she stretches forth her beautiful but 
bleeding hands in the crisis and extremity of her 
mortal peril, imploring humbly, earnestly, almost 
madly, for help and succor from the only people 
on the globe who can avert her doom. Turn not 
away, (.) ! turn not away, my country, that for- 
lorn yet lovely mourner from your theshold, but 
grant her cordially, liberally, and seasonably, that 
sympathy, and moral, or, if necessary, material 
assistance, which justice, generosity, and every 
consideration of humanity and sell alike 

require in the case. 

But there is another region o( the earth of far 
greater surface than the island of Cuba, and as 
intimately connected with our welfare — a terri- 
tory conterminous by an immei s tine with the 
southwestern limit of the I nion, where the in- 
trigues and interference of both England and 
France, though more covert, have been equalk 
insidious and unwarrantable. It will be under- 
stood, at once, that I refer to Mexico, that en- 
chanted land of gorgeous . d jeweled 
mountains, whose beautiful scenei 
stirring annals, are alike tinted with the hues of a 
wild and wondous romance. That vast country, 
equivalent in extent to the fourth ol Europe,, or 
nearly two-thirds of the United St) . 3tretc 
faraway, as it does, through r 
of north latitude, and touching <■:. -ide r 
the Titan's bow! " . the o 



LI 



the gold* . gulf of California, and the bright 
waters of the Pacific ocean, is fitted, by reason 
of countless circumstances, to awaken curiosity, 
and inspire the deepest interest in American bo- 
-oms. The variety of its genial climates; the 
value and, profusion of its natural products; the 
almost fabulous abundance of its mineral wealth, 
yielding more silver than the rest of the world 
besides, and its immediate contiguity to our bor- 
ders, all combine to identify its prosperity and 
progress with our own. We could not, even if 
we would, aft'ect apathy or feel indifference as to 
the course of it? destiny as an independent Power. 
And vet, without undue presumption, I may be 
allowed to say that a singular degree of igno- 
rance exists in the popular mind in re'ation to 
Mexican affairs. Even a certain class of politi- 
cians, whenever the subject is referred to, treat it 
with scorn, choosing to consider that neighbor- 1 
ing nation as a society of semi-savages, incapable 
of sell-government, or indeed of any stable or 
successful government at all — a people under the 
everlasting rule of anarchy and revolutions, as 
inconstant and uncontrollable as the very volca- 
noes of the burning soil where they have been 
born. 

Now, I most declare my utter dissent from any 
such a partial and prejudiced, though plausible, 
view. I believe the grand mass of the Mexican 
population to be as docile and tamable under the 
reign of legitimate authority as any subjects on 
the globe. Indeed, their main characteristic and 
fault, as a race, seems to be an excessive facility 
of submission to every species of domination. To 
what origin, then, it will be asked, must we attri- 
bute their endless and sanguinary insurrections? 
The unfortunate source of all that stride and dis- 
order, as I apprehend, will be found in the ambi- 
tion of the monarchical faction, always powerful 
in Mexico, and in the cunning intrigues of Euro- 
pean potentates. And the briefest glance at the 
pages of Mexican history will fully demonstrate 
the proposition. It must never be forgotten that 
the original revolution in Mexico was not purely 
or principally a struggle for political freedom, so 
much as for independence of race and sovereign 
nationality. The colonial government, during 
nearly three centuries of oppression ami misrule, 
had not tended to infuse among *he people any 
ideas of civil liberty. All the viceroys, with a 
single exception, were of Spanish birth. Every 
post of honor, or of profit, in the gift of the 
Crown, devolved on Europeans. No path of pre- 
ferment in the church, the law, or the army, was 
open for a Mexican, or even for a Spaniard Mexi- 
can-born. The colonists were strictly forbidden 
to manufacture any article that the mother coun- 
try could furnish- — to cultivate the vine or olive, 
to establish schools, or tefceh even the science of 
mathematics ; as they were told, in the language 
of the Spanish Government, by an official decla- 
ration, " That learning did not become coio 
The viceregal palace displayed a splendor of 
riches and ex.ravagance which might have 
shamed the glittering pageants of imperial courts 
the revenues being continually supplied by legal- 
ized plunder. Through this policy arose a privi- 
leged caste, widely separated from the aboriginal 
inhabitants, as well as from the Mexican Span- 



iards, in feelings, habits, and permanent intere 
Nevertheless, there was no attempt at rebellion or 
revolution tor three hundred years; and the fact 
affords an unanswerable refutation of the idle 
theory that the Mexicans are, by nature and con- 
onal temperament, an ungovernable race. 
No branch cf the Anglo-Saxon or Celtic families 
would have endured, for a single month, what 
they suffered for so many long centuries of tyran- 
ny and torture. However, it could not be expected 
that such a system would last forever. But 
when the revolution did occur, it came, not as 
might have been naturally anticipated, from the 
awakened spirit or strong sense of injustice, or 
from the aroused passions of a crushed and vin- 
dictive population ; on the contrary, the first 
flames of insurrection and civil war were kindled 
by dissensions in the Spanish party itself. The 
causes which led to the event are well known 
matters of history. In 1808, the great Napoleon, 
from the summit of the Pyr enees, hurled an irre- 
sistible avalanche' of his victorious legions into 
the heart of Old Spain, sweeping away its effete 
and impotent dynasty, and setlling the crevr- 
upon the heal cf his brother Joseph. When the 
astounding news of their monarch's dethroiement 
reached the city cf Mexico, the viceroy warmly 
solicited the aid of the people in support of their 
ancient and legitimate line of sovereigns; and 
they as eagerly responded to the flattering appeal 
with boundless and enthusiastic professions of 
fidelity and attachment. A feeling of sympathy 
and kindness grew up between the Government 
and the Creoles; and as a further means of con- 
ciliation, a congress was instituted, to be com- 
posed of deputies from the different provinces. 

But this measure met with vehement opposition 
from the European Spaniards, as being an in- 
fringement of their hereditary rights, and a fla- 
grant derogation from the prerogatives of the 
Crown. Accordingly, the court of the Avdicncia, 
the highest tribunal in the country, to defeat the 
popular project, seized and imprisoned the Viceroy 
himself, with all his principal friends and adhe- 
rents; and the Europeans, having organized what 
they were pleused to term "patriotic associations," 
indefence of their exclusive and tyrannical privi- 
leges, everywhere took up arms to put down the 
Creoles. And that was the cloudy dawn — the 
first dark day of the Revolution. The violent and 
arrogant severity of the Audiencia increased the 
habitual hatred of the natives, so long before en- 
tertained towards their European masters, until 
at length the immortal parish priest, Hidalgo, 
raised the standard of open insurrection in the 
little town of Dolores. The rumor of the move- 
ment was received generally with intense satis- 
faction. The warlike curate, Moreles, rivaled the 
patriotic devotion of his religious brother; and 
the flames of rebellion, if such a word might be 
applied to a nation battling for their natural liber- 
ties, at once extended to all the provinces. From 
that date, until 1818, the contest raged wit:: va.i- 
ous extaordinary changes of fortune, when the 
revolution appeared to be extinguished, both 
Hidalgo and Moreles having in the mean time, 
suffered a barbarous death at the hands of the 
merciless foe, and their heroic successor, Victoria^ 



12 



being then an abandoned and solitary exile in the | Spanish Government, with that perverse and incur- 
wildest recesses of the mountains. able stupidity by which it has been so long and so 

The country now remained under the galling ! pre-eminently distinguished, spurned the plan of 
yoke of despotism until 1820, when the constitu- Iguala, and refused the compromise that would 
tional Government established in Spain, produced have given a son of Spain an American crown, 
in Mexico a very different effect from what might ; Q ne cannot forbear remarking what incalculable 
well have been predicted. A more liberal system blessings and benefits the folly of some obstinate 
of administration and greater freedom of the j or s my nation may unintentionally confer upon 
electoral franchise were generously granted to the I others. How different must have been the desti- 
Provinces. But again, as in the former instance, | n j es f these United States, if the policy of the 
these acts of grace and justice provoked a bitter j Mexican Bourbonists had been adopted by the 
and clamorous opposition ; and again, the re- j Spanish court ! A European Power, in fraternity 
sistance and aggression originated with the old | w ; tn all the despots of the Old World, and under 
Spanish and monarchical faction. Besides, the the special protectorate of England, would have 
European Spaniards were divided among them- been stationed as a giant sentinel to warn us away 
selves ; some avowing their preference for the ' f rom the Southwest. There would have been no 



constitution, while others declared in favor of the 
ancient regime. An attack on the property of the 
Church alienated the clergy from the new author- 
ity ; and the Viceroy, Apodaca, being encouraged 
by the intrigues of the royalists in Europe, al- 
though he had sworn allegiance to the present 



annexation of the rich cotton fields of Texas, no 
settlement of Oregon, and no culmination of Cali- 
fornia's golden star. But what wild, wasting wars, 
what European interference, and intrigues, what 
armaments sailing at the mandate of the Holy 
Alliance, to conquer the :'orce and quench the 



political order, joined in a general conspiracy for i jjght of our dangerous example, might there not 

its overthrow. Iturbide was the persons elected have been ! 

to offer the first open demonstration against the , d of a Bourb 

existing Government and for the restoration of P f Spain, and favoring any 

the former despotism, both in Ohur hand State semblance of despotism sooner* than 

and to that end the \iceroy appointed h.m to governmen t, went over to the party of 

the command of a arge army on the western * w ' ag laimed Em But 

coast. But the agent departed widely from the -. £ f fi £ 

wishes of his principal. Instead of pronouncing] J"**™ an % xt J sive CO nspiracv against him, 

for Spanish absolutism, _ as he had promised he J -^ d his brief authorit £ and in S 1824 the 



put forth a scheme of his own, the famous " plan 
of Iguala," declaring that Mexico should be an 
independent nation, its religion Catholic, and the 
Government a constitutional monarchy ; the crown 
to be conferred on Ferdinand VII. of Spain, pro- 
vided he would consent to a personal occupation 
of the throne. 

Although historical scrutiny has not yet been 
enabled to fathom the secret motives which influ- 
enced Iturbide in his splendid project beneath the 
thick veil thrown so carefully around it, the 
statesman's eye can perceive the cunning hand 
of English policy working darkly. However, the 
Viceroy was speedily deposed ; and so soon as 
they became satusfied of Iturbide's sincerity in 
erecting the signal of independence, Guerrero and 
Victoria, with all the survivors of the original j 
insurgents, and large detachments of Creole 
troops, rallied to his standard. This fact proves 
incontestably that the great object, the sole aim 
of the Mexican revolutionists was not civil lib- 
erty — of which they had scarcely any conception — 
but rather the realization of Mexican nationality, 
to which they have always been so vehemently 
devoted. 

A Congress soon assembled, and presented, in 
the division of opinion among its numbers, three 
powerful parties. The Bourbonists, adhering to 
the plan of Iguala; the Republicans desii 
confederation of free States; and the Iturbidists, 
who sought the elevation of their favorite 
cral. Here we see two-thirds of the national dep- 
uties, fresh from the people, and just as they had 
emerged from the fiery furnace of the I 
manifesting a decided preference for tb 
monarchy. But an event, altogether unezp 
destroyed the hopes of the Bourbonists. The 



provinces became united in a federal republic. 
Nevertheless, the old monarchical faction, though 
grievously wounded, was far from being dead, 
and two years subsequently it revived to fresh life 
and activity in a most novel and unprecedented 
form. The masonic societies then extremely nu- 
merous in Mexico, separated into two opposing 
parties, under the titles of the £scoces and Yorki- 
tws, or the Scotch and the York lodges. The 
first, of Scottish origin, embraced the large pro- 
prietors, men of the greatest wealth, aristocratic 
in opinion, and inclined to the establishment of a 
powerful government, and especially all the par- 
tisans of a Bourbon dynasty. The Yorkinos, whose 
organization had been founded by the New York 
masons, through the agency of Mr. Poinsett, the 
envoy of the United States, advocated Democi 
in opposition to both a central and a royal govern- 
ment, and urged, as the only means of perma- 
nently pacifying the country, the forcible expul- 
sion of all the European Spanish residents. 

Thus early we behold the subtle intrigues of 
English policy, developed in the bosom of M 
can politics. ' And it is worthy of particular re- 
membrance, that the first violent breach of the 
law, and palpable treason to the Government, pro- 
oeeded from the Scotch taction, when, in I 
Don Manuel Montano published at i plaa 

for the insurrectionary reformation of the o 
tution. Civil war followed, with i , rob- 

'.doodshed too horrible for 
iption, unt ' desertion 

from iblican part Then, the 

unconquerable spirit, of liberty was kept alive no- 

o, save in 
the previously paltry and ui 



13 



Texas, and there it proved to be invincible and 
immortal. 

To the succeeding events of public Mexican 
history I need not allude, as they belong in a 
manner to the annals of our own country. I will 
only add one startling fact, which is capable of 
incontrovertible proofs, that the old European and 
Bourbon faction is still in as vigorous existence as 
ever; and that very lately, even since the Amer- 
ican occupation of the Mexican capital, French 
intrigues have been busy with that party for the 
enthronement of a European potentate. The i 
scheme was briefly this — the marriage of Queen | 
Christina, of Spain, to prince Napoleon, and the 
inauguration ot their joint reign over the Mexican 
people. In historical justice, however, I am com- j 
polled to state, that Santa Anna strenuously ob- 
jected to the Bonaparte branch of the project, 
alleging that, as he himself was the Napoleon of 
the West, he should be deemed entitled to imitate 
a Napoleonic example — that he would, therefore, 
put away his antiquated and withered wife, and i 
wed the Spanish woman, as his great prototype 
did her of Austria; and thus he would acquire a 
legitimate right to don the imperial diadem of 
Spanish succession in the golden halls of the Mon- 
tezumas ! All this sounds romantic, or ridiculous, 
as some my£h of the middle ages; and yet it is a 
sober and ominous reality. 

The imperfect sketch and epitome of Mexican 
history which I have exhibited, shows conclu- 
sively that the anarchy and revolution which have 
so fearfully afflicted that unhappy country, did 
not, in any inatance, spring from the great body 
of the people. The storms of civil war agitated 
the surface, but never extended to the depths, or 
touched the centre of society. All of them, with- 
out exception, began and ended with the Euro- 
pean or Creole Spaniards ; while the aggression 
and grievance always came from the faction of 
monarchy, incited and stimulated by foreign in- 
fluence, or provoked by the dissatisfaction of the 
clergy. I do not desire to say anything offensive 
to any man's conscience, or to intimate anything 
injurious to any system of worship. I regard the 
discussion of religious subjects as much out of 
place in the legislative hall as the profane preach- 
ing of politics in the pulpit, so strangely in fash- 
ion of late. Religion is exclusively a matter be- 
tween man, as an immortal and spiritual being, 
and the Deity whom he is graciously permitted to 
adore ; and no tribunal or authotity on the earth 
has a right to scan or criticise that sacred and un- 
searchable relation. But when this divine institu- 
tion, the eldest and most beautiful offspring of 
Heaven, descends from its dignity, and desecrates 
its holiness in the pollutions of secular and sinful 
excitement, it loses its celestial prerogative of ex- 
emption from impugnment, and becomes fairly 
amenable to human censure. 

The main objection to the clerical order in Mex- 
ico is not because it is Catholic, but because it is 
political, the most powerful and grinding mental 
despotism that ever was established under the 
Bun. It has no just claim to the character of 
catholic at all, or in any rational sense. As early 
as 1502, the King of Spain was constituted head 
of the American church, to the entire exclusion 



of all separate spiritual jurisdiction, or even apel- 
late supremacy, on the part of the Roman pontiff. 
Under this unnatural and Asiatic system of reli- 
gious domination, devised to secure the civil 
tyranny of the Spanish Government, the peopk 
were subjected to a species of intellectual slavery 
unparalleled in the annals of the world. Their 
ignorance, idolatry, and almost brutal superstition, 
rivalled even the frenzied follies of the most unen- 
lightened pagan lands. The awful weight of a 
political despotism pressed every sentiment of 
freedom into the earth ; while the nerce hand of 
religious intolerance shut the gates of heaven 
ugainst all humanity that would not purchase a 
passage to its glory by gold. Like railroad tick- 
ets, seats were sold for Paradise, but only to the 
bigoted and the blind. So that now, for more 
than three centuries, all power has been concen- 
trated in the priesthood and in the army. The 
bell and the drum have been the only symbols of 
authority. Every insurrection has been proclaim- 
ed by the chimes of the one, or the roar of the 
other. No spontaneous movements, no explosive 
eruptions, as of outbreaking volcanic and central 
fire, have proceeded from the masses, too deeply 
buried beneath mountains of cruel and stifling op- 
pression. 

Well, then, may I claim, on the strength of 
these facts, a full justification of my previous asser- 
tion, that the Mexican people are as easily gov- 
erned as any variety of the human race. The 
proposition has also been demonstrated on the 
Rio Grande, in Texas, as well as in New Mexico, 
since the annexation of those regions to the United 
States. For in both the places mentioned, al- 
though nine-tenths of the inhabitants are pure 
Mexicans, and both are border countries, we yet 
hear of no anarchy, rebellion, bloodshed, or that 
climax of social disorder which, in Kansas, has 
disgraced the American name. But even if the 
truth were different, if the Mexican character were 
all that its worst enemies and most malignant re* 
vilers represent it to be, their deduction from the 
supposed premises would only appear as a more 
glaring non secpritur ; since, upon every principle 
ot humanity and self-interest, the greater would 
be the necessity of American interposition to ame- 
liorate the dangerous misrule, and tame the savage 
instincts, of so near and mischievous a neighbor. 

But what method of teaching should we adopt ? 
Must we take up arms, and educate the ignorant 
and indocile population of Mexico at the cannon's 
mouth, or with the ptint of the bayonet? Or 
should we send troops of filibusters there, to in- 
struct them in the philosophy of good manners, 
with bludgeon, bowie-knife, and revolver ? I ad- 
vocate no such measures. I do not belong to the 
political school that puts faith in brute force as a 
motive power of human civilization. I do no* be- 
lieve that communities can be dragooned into 
religion, liberty, or the duties and privileges of 
self-government. In my opinion, we possess far 
higher and more efficacious means of interfer 
for Mexican improvement. As the European 
court-, by their eternal intrigues, give moral aid 
and comfort to the faction of monarchy, so - 
i we foster and cherish* the Liberal and Republican 
I party. We have the power to encourage 
consolidate it by treaties, by comnn 



i 



course, by kino., efforts and 

euergies of a consummate diplomatic skill. 

Let no one urge, in re:-; ridiculous 

fiction that such a course wonid ter.d to a collision 
with any great nation of Euro] , No Govern- 
ment on the globe woukl dream of declaring war 
on a pretext so absurd. The European ;oten- ( 
tates assume, without question, the bold pivroga- . 
tive of defending and preserving the ascendency 
and equilibrium oi despotic institutions on the soil j 
of the Old World. And shall we not be per- 
mitted to exercise the same right for the protec- 
tion of republican principles in the New ? Are : 
-we not, as well as they, sovereign and independ- 
Can we not form alliances, and cement re- 
lations of friendship with other equally sovereign 
communities, whenever and wherever we choose ? 
Indeed, there are many and various ways by 
which we can insure the success of the Liberal 
party in Mexico. A splendid opportunity of the 
sort was unaccountably allowed to escape the , 
present American Administration, when it paid 
away into hands, which transferred the money , 
into the pockets of the treacherous tyrant, Santa 
Anna, three millions of gold ; and that, too, in 
it opposition to the just and powerful pro- 
test of the new and republican Government of 
Mexico, then in the hour of its greatest need. 
What folly and delusion was this ! What favor to 
the faction of monarchy — what ungrateful discour- 
agement and insult to our own political friends! 

But there remains to be stated one mode of 
promoting the prosperity of Mexico, and of clasp- 
ing her to our bosom with arms of iron, durable 
as the everlasting hills — a pacific mode, to which 
no^ timorous politician at home, nor any insolent 
diplomatist abroad, can even conjure up the phan- 
tom of a plausible objection. Build the southern 
railroad to California. Run it straight along the 
great line that separates the two countries. Pass 
it through the low-lying gap of the giant Cordil- 
leras, there where the very mountains bow down 
reverently, and recede, as if in anticipation, for. 
the iron arches, and the transits of their lightning 
trains. Can the mightiest mathematical mind cal- 
culate the beneficial consequences of such a deed 
to the Mexican people ? Even imagination fails to 
grasp the grandeur and glory of the destinies that 
might yet be theirs. The sun, which might behold 
the last rail fastened at San Francisco, or at the 
junction of the Gila and Colorado of the West, on 
the Gulf of California, would witness the first day 
of Mexican redemption. From the main trunk of 
that grand highway of America and of the world, 
metallic arms would stretch out and extend far 
away in every direction, to the silver mountains of 
Saltillo, and Chihuahua, and to the golden fields 
of Sonora, and the most distant South. American 
capital and enterprise would be invited with the 
warmest welcome to develop the resources of 
•'.an commerce, and to perfect the process of 
: :an civilization; and never more in Me 00 
would be seen again the insidious intrigues of Eng- 
land ; while never more would be heard the hate- 
ful terms of monarchy and the Bourbons. The 
articulation ot such names would become impossi- 
ble. It is by measures like these that the enlight- 
d and Christian Governments of modern ages 
ought to push their conquests, and achieve their 



triumphs, and not by jealous, vindictive, and ruin- 
ous wars. If, as declared by the Divine Teacher 
of humanity, it be more blessed to give than to re- 
ceive, how infinue must be -the national blessing, 
when every gift of a generous policy i^ a double 
benefaction — an equation of profit both to the re- 
cipients and the donors ! 

There is another and strictly philosophic reason 
why Mexico should always present a subject of 
anxious consideration for the wisdom and pru- 
dence of our most eminent statesmen. I allude 
to the natural tendency of population to expand 
in a southern direction. It is sometimes made a 
matter of complaint, and we have listened to it 
even on. this floor, that all our acquisitions, or, as 
they are oppiobriously styled, aggressions, have 
australized towards the tropics, while no annexa- 
tions seem inclined to advance us any nearer to 
the ice ol the Arctic circle. Such objectors must 
surely have forgotten their readings in history. 
All nations endowed with even savage liberty, or 
the power of free locomotion, are, and ever have 
been, urged towards the summer-lands of the 
South, by the influence of a law as vigorous and 
as universal as any passion of the human mind. 
The tide of emigration is repelled by the frozen 
snows of the wintry north, by its gloomy fort 
the howling of its angry winds, and the thick-ribbed 
ice of its polar lakes. On the contrary, the eye as 
well as the imagination must always dwell with de- 
light and enthusiasm on the fragrance, beauty, and 
emerald verdure of those sunny groves where the 
golden light lives forever on the grass, and the 
glory of fruit and dowers never fades from the 
green of the leaf which no frost withers. Hence 
all great migrations, when not diverted from their 
natural course of insuperable obstacles, have 
flowed, as nearly as might be, in the direction of 
the equator. Witness the multitudinous swarm- 
ings of the northern hives of the Tartars into 
China and Hindostan, of the ancient Scythians into 
Persia and Greece, and the inroads of the Goths, 
the Germans, the Huns, into all the provinces of 
the Roman Empire. Therefore, to ask our politi- 
cians and people to curb their desires and turn 
their attention from the orange gardens of Cuba, 
and the palmy fields of Mexico, to seek relief in 
the barren forests of Canada, or the black fogs of 
Newfoundland, is .-imply demanding that they 
should change the constitution of their nature and 
reverse the everlasting laws of liberty, and even 
of animal life. 

I do not suggest or approve any invasive or 
compulsory advances towards the South. I only 
state a general fact which all prudent and Bagacious 
statesmen should remember, apply and control, 
for the progress of civilization and the greatest 
good of the Bpecies. This natural tendency to 
austral expansion I would have regulated by a hu- 
mane and systematic policy as generous as it 
should be just. I would direct it to the grand 
objects of a liberal commerce, and the glorious 
colonization of ideas and institutions rather than 
of men ; and I would limit it exclusively to the 
! natural right of expatriation. 

In the different topics of foreign policy which 
I have previously examined, we have traced the 
uniform opposition of England as our constant 
antagonist. I must, however, admit a broad dis- 



15 



tinction in this respect, between the English peo- j 
pie and the Government of England.- The former, 
by principle, feeling, habit, and the strongest mo- 
tives, of self-interest, are, and, as I trust, ever 
will continue to be, our firmest friends — nay, our 
very kinsmen and brothers, by all the most holy 
ties of blood, religion, literature, and language; 
and every true patriot and intelligent philanthro- 
pist, every foe to autocratic rule, intolerance, and 
political barbarism, must deplore as the greatest, 
the most irremediable calamity that could befall 
the human species, a collision betwixt the two 
branches of the Anglo-Saxon family. It would 
postpone indefinitely, perchance forever, the pros- 
pects of universal liberty, and reverse, by the 
length of a thousand years, the march of progress 
in the true path of improvement and civilization. 
The bare spectacle would excite outbursts of dia- 
bolic laughter, bitter mockeries, and shouts of in- 
fernal glee, in all the courts of despotism through- 
out the world. The very bones of spiritual and 
temporal tyrants in the dust of the dark ages 
would rattle in their graves for joy ! While clas- 
sic Greece, beautiful but bowed down Italy, and 
bleeding Hungary, agonized with her recent 
wounds, and all the persecuted Democrats of Eu- 
rope, and every lover of freedom on land and sea, 
would together weep tears of fiery torture, and 
veil their eyes from the appalling vision of sorrow 
and shame! I do not exaggerate. Imagination 
has no midnight colors dark enough to draw the 
horrors of the picture ; nor can I entertain a doubt, 
that such is the general sentiment and opinion of 
both the English and the American people. 

Unfortunately, the Government of England is 
deeply imbued with the spirit and views of an ex- 
clusive and intensely selfish aristocracy — a privi- 
leged and powerful class, the most jealously wedded 
to antiquated forms and obsolete policy, and, at the 
same time, the most pertinacious and unyielding 
to novel influences, of any now on the earth, or of 
which history has preserved the faintest record. 
Their prejudices seem to be hereditary, and all 
their principles, good as well as evil, follow the 
lawful line of descent, like their titles and estates. 
This order, at the epoch of the Revolution, con- 
ceived an idea of political and commercial antago- 
nism to the United States, which all the lessons of 
subsequent experience, and even the clearest de- 
monstrations of a priori reasoning, have not ena- 
bled them to unlearn. By some strange and un- 
accountable process of cogitation, imperceptible 
and intangible to the rules of ordinary logic, they 
appear to conjecture, or vaguely imagine, that 
American greatness can be nothing else but an 
arithmetical subtraction from English glory, and 
that every gain of ours is a positive loss to them. 
It is true, this very ridiculous and savage theory 
was sufficiently cuiTent during the dark and stupid 
ignorance of the feudal ages, when the aggrandize- 
ment of one country nev<_-r failed to be considered 
the disgrac3 and ruin of all the rest ; when de- 
stroying wars were undertaken for no other pur- 
pose than the preservation of the balance of trade, 
as they are now waged to keep stable the equi- 
poise of power. However, that mistaken and pre- 
posterous notion, the offspring of national jeal- 
ousy, has long since been exploded, and by none 
more effectually than by the English writers them- 



selves. Nevertheless, all in vain do the tat. 
of commerce, and all the wonderful facts of tin 
half century, proclaim that American and English 
prosperity sustain the immutable relation of logi- 
cally necessary correlatives to each other; in vain 
do the English laboring and manufacturing cla.-yi ■<, 
and the wisest of English statesmen, urge and 
prove the same great and well-nigh self-evident, 
truth. The English Government remains incura- 
bly blind, or else perversely shuts its eyes to the 
light of all history, and even common sense — pre- 
tending not to see that the extension of American 
territory increases the area of the English market, 
and augments incalculably the number of English 
customers — that the annexation of Cuba, and even 
of Central America and the whole of Mexico, if 
such projects were entertained, (as they are not,) 
would be a virtual commercial annexation to Eng- 
land herself, and almost or quite as beneficial to 
her as to us. Yet the aristocratic order in Great 
Britain still pursue, as steadily as ever, the old, 
sightless path of their policy in reference to this 
country, in spite alike of reason, interest, and the 
tamest remonstrances of the English people. 
Their plan, from the first, has been to cut us off 
from the possibility of territorial extension towards 
the great Southwest — to encircle and hem us in 
with a strong cordon of military posts and colonial 
settlements — to vex and stun our ear3 with the 
music of that mighty drum which it is her imperial 
boast to roll around the world, beating time for 
the morning march of the ever- rising sub. 

The English Government was preparing to seize 
the vast domain of Louisiana, when the quick dis- 
cernment of Mr. Jefferson, and the consummate 
sagacity of Napoleon, defeated the scheme by a 
transfer to the United States. Had she succeeded,, 
we would have been fenced in at the South, as- 
well as on the North, by British possessions. It 
is difficult to realize, either in fact or fancy, ah the 
consequences of such an event. The Union would 
have been cruelly compressed as betwixt the 
forces of the two gigantic arms ; the one urging us 
away from the great lakes, and the other pushing 
us from the Gulf of Mexico. There could have 
been no space or opportunity for expansion. We 
never should have heard the names of such States 
as Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, or Louisiana. There- 
could have been no Territories of Minnesota, Kan- 
sas, Nebraska, Washington, Utah, or Oregon. 
For us, all the wide regions of the now rich and 
populous West, radiant with its brilliant stars, 
would have been either a dreary desert, 01 inhab- 
ited by an alien and adverse Power. The effect 
must have proved equally deplorable and disas- 
trous on the eastern side of the Alleghany 
mountains. There would have been no lines of 
railroad, no lighting wires, to span the gulf of 
distance, stretching away from the Atlantic sea- 
board to the forests of Missouri, or even the prai- 
ries of Illinois. Boston, Philadelphia, and Balti- 
more, would have been petty and incon f iderable 
towns, and only New York would have numbered 
some fifty, or perhaps a hundred thousand pc | 

The brightest pages of our national annals would 
be blotted out, or rather, would never have been — 
all our victories on land, lake, or ocean, the con- 
quests in Mexico, and the ascension of Califor- 
nia's star. Even our mercantile marine, watched 



16 



everywhere by the tvrant of the peas, must have i icy of American repression? Would it not be a 
crept timidly around our own shores, engaged mortal blow to the most lucrative branch of her 
chieflv in coast commerce. New Orleans would trade ? Would it not arrest the spring tides of 
have been a British capital; and the yawning civilization precisely at that point where they roll 
mouths of British cannon would have commanded ' the fullest, and rise the highest? Does not Eng- 
Natchez Vicksburg, Memphis, and the debouch- land know that the grand, the tremendous issues 
tire of every lar^e 'river that empties its waters of the age, and of all the after ages, is made up 
into the great Mississippi. The height of St. ' and pending between political absolutism and con- 
Louis would have frowned on Illinois with huge stitutional government? On the one side, behold 
fortifications as strong in proportion as those of all the coalesced despotisms of Europe, pledged by 
Quebec or Gibraltar;" and Ohio, Kentucky, Ten- their ideas and interests to quench forever, in 
nessee, Wisconsin, all our half of the imsiense 
western valley, that teeming mother of- Si 
would have possessed no outlet to the highway 
of the ocean. And from this degrading, destiny of 
fixed everlasting inferiority, we were rescued by 
the wisdom and firmness of the same grand mind, 
to whose Wonderful intuitions and far-casting 
foresight, we also stand indebted for the Declara- 
tion c? Independence, and the existence of the true 
Democratic idea in its purity aud power. 

But again : when the enterprise and prowess of 
our sons wrested the beautiful province of Texas 
from the mingled anarchy and despotism of Mexi- 
can misrule, faithful to her ancient policy of 
American repression, England immediately 
meuced her intrigues for the virtual control and 



supremacy over the fortunes of the new State. | States should be a poor, feeble, ineffectual 
She exerted all the cunning of her diplomacy, [ with no voice or authority amon? i 
proffered enormous commercial bribes, called in j 
to aid her the authority of France, and protested ] 
and implored by turns, against the project of an- 
nexation. Her purpose, as ever, was to surround 
and hedge us in, to erect an impassable barrier 
against the march of American institutions in the 
direction of Mexico and the Isthmus of Panama. 

Once more, that English policy was met and 
discomfited, not so much by the genius of Amer- 
ican statesmen, as by the intuitive sagacity and 
the indomitable spirit of the American people, in 
accordance with the prudence and patriotism of 
the Texan politicians. And now, baffled in all her 
antecedent schemes for the forcible restrainment 
of free institutions, like a drowning man, England 
catches at the straw of Central America. She 
would seize th it as a bastioned fortification against 
the progress of American ideas and energies to- 
wards the regions of the equator; but this attempt 
must prove as vain as any of the others. Govern- 
ments, however penetrating or potent they may 
he, have no strength or cunning to control the 
laws that determine the great tides of emigration, 
the geographical distribution of the human species 
on the earth's surface. By a calm and philosoph- 
ical contemplation of the past, by a logical com- 
parison of its unerring indications, by mastering 
the mathematical ratio of American progression, 
the clear English mind, if it had not been de- 
tracted and obscured by obsolete prejudices, might, 
long ago, have calculated the course of American 
destiny, with the same certainty of science which 
notes "the precession of the equinoxes, or predicts 
future eclipses in the heavens. 

America might, with confidence, appeal to the 
strong common sense of England herself, and in- 
quire what she could have gained, what sb 
ever hope to gain, or what humanity and the great 
cause of liberal institutions could possibly, in any 
event, profit by the success of her chimerical pol- 



darkest night, the last ray of regulated liberty ; on 
the other, we perceive alone the little isle that 
gems the northern ocean, and the descendants 
from the same stock in the western hemisphere. 
The final contest betwixt these irreconcilable op- 
posites may be delayed by temporary expedients, 
by truces under the name of treaties, and by hol- 
low alliances more unnatural and dangerous than 
a state of open war. But still the day of battle 
must dawn at last. And where, in that dreadful 
struggle of nations, can England expect either 
sympathy or assistance, save from the land inher- 
iting her blood, her laws, her liberties, and her 
language ? Could she wish, in the crisis of that 
hour, the most awfully momentous to humanity 
which the world has yet witnessed, that the United 

ower, 

the potentates 

of the earth S 

I am aware that a class of British statesmen er- 
roneously suppose us to be natural and hereditary 
enemies, rather than friends and admirers of Eng- 
land ; and they offer, as a proof of the assumption, 
the general and notorious sympathy of our people 
for Kussia in the late European war. But, if such 
were the fact, England can only attribute the ex- 
istence of the feeling to the previous and jealous 
conduct of her own Government in reference to 
American affairs. We remembered with pain the 
Anglo-French intrigues in Texas. We were ap- 
prized of her intention to cut off our necessary 
transits through Central America. We appre- 
hended her purpose to Africanize Cuba; and, 
therefore, we saw with boundless astonishment, 
and no little alarm, the installation of the French 
alliance. We thought it an unnatural and extra- 
ordinary political phenomenon, a conjunction of 
contradictories; and having learned the privilege 
of free expression from English teachers, we said 
so. But our surprise and disapprobation were 
converted into sterner sentiments when Lord 
Clarendon proclaimed, in Parliament, that the 
happy accord and good understanding between 
France aud England extended beyond the eastern 
policy to all portions of the two hemispheres. 
We knew, and felt, that this was a menace aimed 
at us ; aud hence, during all the changes of the 
conflict which raged in Europe, the people of the 
United States believed most firmly and sincerely 
that, in the event of eminent and decisive success 
on the part of the Western Powers, flushed with 
victory, and insolent in the pride of its strength, 
they would turn their combined forces to active 
intervention in matters of American policy. And, 
if we were indeed mistaken, the words and actions 
of the English Government created the delusion. 
How, then, can Briti:h statesmen wonder that 
the reverberations of vheir conquering cannon, 



17 



from the hills and plains of the distant Crimea, 
awakened no warm welcome of generous enthusi- 
asm, but terror and dismay rather, in American 
'bosoms, when they might expect soor. to be ap- 
palled by the sound of these same engines of fiery 
destruction thundering at their own doors? 

The great practical question will, however, 
doubtless be urged — how shall we remove the 
obstinate prejudice of the English aristocracy, so 
long and so unreasonably entertained against the 
progress of American institutions? In what man- 
ner shall we act, so as to effect a change in her 
cherished policy of American repression ? Now, 
one thing is clear, as a Girting point, beyond all 
criticism or controversy, that the American peo- 
ple will never permit, on this continent, the ex- 
jion of the European plan of interference for 
the preservation of the balance of power. Ex- 
plode the Monroe doctrine over and over a thou- 
sand times, and still our people will never toll 
European interposition to check their growth, or 
confine their greatness — never, while they keep 
even the shadow or semblance of an independent 
sovereignty. The feeling is as strong and irrever- 
sible as the ocean tides — as immovable as the 
American mountains. The principle was embraced 
e infancy of the Government, and it will not 
be abandoned in the rigor and fullness cf A 

manhood. To imagine such a possibility is 
madness. What course, then, must we pursue? 
Shall we declare war, or adopt measures, the indi- 
rect tendency of which will lead to hostilities, for 
the purpose of securing the recognition of this our 
favorite popular d, . 

As I have sai >re, I, for one, advocate no 

short-sighted or imprudent policy. I belong 
to the school of politicians who believe that the 
most energetic and efficient prosecution of 
as well as all our other national rights, may be 
conducted by pacific methods, and in a state of 
profound peace. 1 am a friend of American pro- 
gress, and therefore do not wi3h to see anything 
done which might arrest its march or diminish the 
ratio of it3 cumulative motion. Hence, I am op- 
posed to war ; for I am well satisfied that a collis- 
sion with any great European Power would put us 
back in the path of our unexampled prosperity the 
distance of a hundred years. But yet I would pre- 
fer war, with the perilous hazard of all its unknown 
•chances and contingencies, rather than a tame and 
servile acquiescence in the limitation which any 
Government or coalition of Governments, should 
attempt to impose as the definite and arbitrary 
boundary of our expansion in thi3 hemisphere; be- 
cause the precedent of such a submission, ani the 
existence of so pliable a spirit on our part, instead 
of delaying, would defeat our destiny fc 
Nevertheless, I repeat there can be no danger of a 
war, especially witii England, if we follow the dic- 
tates of a wise ani systematic policy — if we touch 
not that tender point, the true inteiests of her 
people, and content ourselves with the cultivation 
■of our own. For she will certainly fight any day, 
ason and out of season, and against any odds, to 
•protect her proper glory and greatness, but 
to deprive us of ours. We possess means of com- 
bat of the most pacific description, greater 
•the mightiest armaments of all Europe combined. 
Every strong stalk of that green rustling corn 



which grows in the prairies of Illinois and 
consin, is equipollent to any French musket, or the 
more deadly Minie rifle; and every bale of cotton 
from the fields of Texas and South Carolina pre- 
sents a counterpoise for a British paixhan. They 
may boast of their naval strength; we rejoic 
one more natural, less costly, and far more com- 
prehensive. In response to the splendid and 
menacing pageants of all their Baltic fleets, we can 
point to the great granaries of the West ; and in 
opposition to the Sevastopol, which they only half 
captured by their arms, we can show them a world 
which we have wholly conquered by the arts of 
peace. Such are our resources ; and while we em- 
ploy them justly and discreetly in the defence of 
our own rights, not to assail the privileges of 
others, there can be no danger of collision with 
any foreign country, and nothing to dread if it 
should occur. 

Especially with respect to England, the plainest 
principles of common honesty and good sense alike 
indicate the policy which we ought to pin 

e obvious distinction that feeling, 
interest, habit, and education have all contributed 
to draw and deepen betwixt th English people 
and their aristocratic Government, rendeiing the 
one • 3 and nl'ie-, and the other, 

from unreas judi< es, inimi • I to our pro- 

gress, we should so conduct our measures as to 
the former, and then we may safely disre- 
gard the latter as being utterly impotent without 
•port of the English ms 
Now, turning to another branch of the same 
general subject, in my judgment, and in the opin- 
ion of the American people, the time has fully 
come when the policy of the United States can no 
longer be bounded by the limits of this continent, 
or by the more insignificant dimensions of Europe, 
ust be extended as widely as the diffusion of 
mmercial intercourse, to every region of the 
□ world. I believe, sir, that the privilege of 
free and unrestricted trade and travel to all parts 
of the globe is not only the natural right, but the 
positive duty of the human race, as the very 
- and design of Providence for the civiliza- 
tion of the species, and the only means of their 
advancement to the highest ultimate perfection. 
I do not admit, but spurn as an utter and impious 
absurdity, the old, effete, and barbarous doctrine 
of intolerable despotism, carried out to its climax 
of ignorant and stupid folly in the foreign system 
of the Japanese — that anyone nation can justly 
cjaim the legal prerogative to exclude another from 
amicable communication with its subjects, or from 
illy profitable traffic within its borders. Nor 
can I recognise the insoleut pretensions of any 
Power to monopolize the products of a particular 
on this broad and beautiful earth, the com- 
mon inheritance of all its children by the will and 
>m of the univeisal Father. I can see no 
warrant in the laws of nature and reason for 
barri:.- On the land, than for shot- 

own the great gates of the ocean. Indeed, 
ity has demonstrated a different doc- 
iu the clearest manger, as well by the natu- 
re instincts implanted 

the motley map of the world, and 
ngular distribution of nations and races, what 






IS 



extraordinary spectacle of dismemberment and 
'eraity is presented in the picture ! You per- 
ve the great whole of humanity broken up into 
gments, and scattered afar, apparently «ithout 
1 or order, round the irregular surface of islands 
1 continents — separated by lakes, rivers, and 
asureless seas — sundered by savage mountains, 
i wastes of desert sand ; but more than all, by 
ional prejudices — the fierce antipathies of dif- 
ent religions, governments, and laws. Every- 
ere you witness hostilities, hatreds, wars, so 
it you are tempted to doubt the possibility of 
f fuiure harmony among such elements of end- 
s discord, and almost despair for the destiny of 
in. What principle of affinity or coalescence 
ill bring together these repulsory masses — these 
posing nations and races — in a permanent and 
ffitable contact of friendship and peace ? 

Behold the power of social attraction in the 
irit of commerce ! This alone can draw the 
ap\e of divided or distant countries towards 
ffi other, and evolve the beauty of systematic 
ier, with the precious principle of progressive 
ivement, out of the deep chaos and wild war 
lich reign over the adverse communities of the 
rid. Each geographical locality of' the globe is 
tiiiguished by some peculiar characteristic of 
^etable, mineral, or animal wealth. One pro- 
ces cotton, or coffee, and another corn. This 
lis rich in silver; that coast contains pearls, 
i the rocks of yonder mountain glitter with 
tins of gold. The torrid land of eternal summer 
Ids tropical fruits, while the snows of the frozen 
rth teem with furs and wool. No region, how- 
sr, is omniferous. But man, the common in- 
bitant of each, is omnivorous and all necessi- 
19. His insatiable desires and urgent wants 
maud whatever can charm the eye, please the 
late, or gratify the luxurious nerves of the other 
lses. lie yearns for articles of food, or orna- 
nts of fashion, that can only come across tke 
iau or continent, from the antipodal distance 
the earth's diameter. And here you perceive 
5 natural and necessary cause, the law of God 
maelf, which originated commerce. 

Xow look at the consequences. In order to 
verse remote countries, or to engage in trade 
th different races, navigation must be invented, 
iguages, must be studied, and formal or tacit 
aties of friendship must be cemented betwixt 
; inter-communicating people. Very soon the 
•re friction of habitual contact wears away the 
le angular asperities of ignorance and national 
.'judice, and a feeling of sympathy and union 
pervenes in the pleasant consciousness of re- 
>r6caJ profit. Thus, in the very fact ol 

which seemed to sever them as widely 
the poles, has Providence interpolated a pro- 
ion for the ultimali and concord of 
:■ bum 

e absolute right, of course 

long all t . .is an 

le corollary, 

, :y in t!i- COi 

■ of i'i- creatures, wfch the' impossibility of 
atificati ins of us< I 

d the wants and wishes of the race, the gi 
- of the greatest number, qj 



recognised as the sole measure of social and polit- 
ical right and wrong. 

Let me now turn to a country where you will 
find the most noble and ample field for the appli- 
cation of these fruitful principles. I allude to the 
great islands and fairy islets that gem the Eastern 
Archipelago, enveloped and floating, as it were, 
in the waters of both the Pacific and Indian 
oceans, and the luminous sea of China. There 
lies the ancient land, perhaps the very cradle of 
the human race, yet now almost utterly unknown 
and isolated. It is tinged with the colors of clas- 
sical allusion and covered with the gorgeous mist 
of romance and imagination, like a sort of elfin 
paradise or Eden of the waves. It is that other 
world which the wonderful genius of Alexander 
the Great wisely wept to behold and conquer, but 
in vain. Glance at your map. How lovely it 
looks! — that imperial expanse so justly called 
Oceanica, for the liquid territories of the globe 
can present no other such grand pictorial group- 
ing of islands and island-continents. To realize 
its full effect, suppose yourself endowed with tele- 
scopic powers of vision, and take your stand on 
the summit of the Crystal Mountains in Borneo, 
the largest of the insular circle. You are sur- 
rounded everywhere by a magnificent panorama 
of peninsulas and islands, like magical devices or 
fairy frostwork of the sea, as if the very waves, 
agitated by the breath of Heaven, had been sud- 
denly erystalized into forms of ineil'able beauty. 
Beneath your feet is Borneo, almost a continent in 
itself, being nine hundred miles in length and 
eight hundred in breadth — that is to say, as vast 
in extent as from Maine to Virginia, and from the 
Atlantic sea-board to the shores of the great lakes, 
and with a population of at least four millions of 
souls. Nor is this broad territory a barren or un- 
productive domain. It abounds in rice, yams, 
betel, spices, and all the luxuriant fruits of India. 
Wild bees fill its forests with wax and honey, and 
among its crytal caverns the salangane swallow 
builds its edible nests. Its coasts are rich in pearl 
and mother-of-pearl, and its mountains sparkle 
with precious stones. Some idea may be conceiv- 
ed of its wealth in diamonds from the fact that the 
petty prince of t Maltan owns a single one worth a 
million Mid two hundred thousand dollars, while 
gold is found in quantities that seem absolutely 
labulous. There, too, the female form develops 
its most sensual fascinations, and the Indian 
dancing-girls bewilder even a European eye by the 
artistic evolutions of their agility and grace. 
Maivel not at this, for you are in the laud of ever- 
lasting summer, the far-famed and fiery Orient, 
where the very sunbeams appear to sow the earth 
with jewels, as it were a rain of stars. Now look 
towards the east; beyond Celebes, and a little 
south of the (laming equator, you discover Papua, 
or New Guinea, nearly equal to Borneo in super- 
ficial oteasurement and the number of its in' 

oaring mountains rise above each 
other, in three successive ranges, until their vol- 

iow; 
thus combining, in the itude, all s varie- 

Ou 

• of Papua, you behold , that 

of five peninsulas— the smallest of 

which is as large -with three mil- 



If- 



lions of people, of the Archipelago. 

There, as in the rest of the georgeous cluster, the 
green leaf never fades, and flowery and fruit blend 
their charms around the glowing circle of the sea- 
sons. Craze, then, towards the west, where Suma- 
tra sleeps like an island of enchantment on the 
shining waters. It is as large as all our eastern 
States, with New York added to them, and con- 
tains a population of four million Malays. Its out- 
lines are pictureque in the extreme, being a thou- 
sand miles in length to only one hundred and sixty 
in breadth, with the most sublime mountain seen- ; 
ery, relieved by visioi s of lovely lakes and valleys 
of indescribable beauty. It is celebrated for its 
tin, iron, copper, and gold, with all the vegetable ; 
glory of its oceanic sisters. Turn, next, towards ; 
the south ; to the coffee-fields and spice-forests of 
Java. It has about the extent of Cuba, and is 
peopled by eleven millions of the most docile and 
industrious race in that part of the eastern hemis- 
phere. In its splendid groves, palms and cocoa 
trees tower up to the height of a hundred and 
fifty feet, and the soil ia of such astonishing fer- 
tility as to render the labor of tillage almost un- 
necessary. Sweep again the jeweled circle of the 
surrounding seas, and you find not less than a 
hundred other islets, each, on an average, as spa- 
cious as Delaware. The whole of the Archipelago, 
with the internal straits, passages, and bays, con- 
stitute an area as gr&at as that of the United States, 
with all our vast Territories, and swarms with an 
active and energetic population of a least twenty-? 
seven millions of souls, according to the most re- 
cent and accurate data. 

The soil of these islands being of volcanic ori- 
gin, and situated under a tropical sun, is wonder- 
fully fertile. Two. or even three crops of rice, 
the staple article of food, may be grown in the 
same year. The little Isle of Bali, which is not 
more than sixty miles long and forty-five broad, is 
peopled by nearly a million of inhabitants, and ex- 
ported, last season, fifty tons of rice to China, and 
three thousand cattle, of the small buffalo breed, 
to various Indian ports. The natives of this di- 
minutive State are as warlike as they are laborious 
in their habits, and have successfully resisted the 
cruel encroachments of the Dutch. Of coffee and 
sugar, the well-known products of Java, the ex- 
ports, the preceding year, amounted to $85,000,- 
000 ; pepper, the staple of Sumatra, with camphor, 
gutta percha, cassia, aloes, and its precious woods, 
yields a revenue of $15,000,000 annually. Borneo 
sends abroad the worth of $10,000,000 in gold, 
diamonds, and other valuable articles. However, 
as a large portion of the trade in all these islands 
is/in Chinese, or inter-insular hands, there are no 
sufficient data to determine its precise valuation. 

The sum total of exports from that segment of 
the archipelagic circle under the administrative 
control of the Dutch, and which is about one- 
third of the whole, has been stated in official re- 
turns at $45,000,000, and yields to the Govern- 
ment of Holland a clear income of $9,1 H il >,0< M \ I ; 
which she is enabled to pay the interest of her 
enormous national debt. And thus the political 
power of the Hague is only saved from utter bank- 
ruptcy and ruin by the coffee of Java, the pepper 
of Sumatra, the tin of Banca, and the precious 
spices of the Moluccas. From the rest of the 



Archipelago, as yet unaffected by the approac 
of European domination, it is supposed that the 
active traders of China, Muscat, and other coun- 
tries, who swarm in those placid seas with their 
junks, prahus, and light feluccas, carry on a com 
coerce in gums, spices, and edible birds' nests, 
betel, oil, cocoa-nuts, pearls, gold, and all th 
licious fruits of India, to an amount not less than 
|50,000,000. So the trade altogether of Europe- 
ans and natives will exceed $100,000,000. But 
yet it must be manifest that scarcely a tenth part 
of the resources and almost fabulous wealth of 
those rich islands has been developed. New 
Guinea, which is nearly four times as large as 
Java, produces annually but one or two millions, 
while the latter presents $40,000,0100. Indeed, 
the greatest jewel of this oceanie diadem is quite u 
recent discovery, and remains for the most part 
entirely unknown. Its inexhaustible trea- 
are buried in its own deep forests, and have not 
been touched by European hands. 

England, usually so forward in maritime enter- 
prises, would long ago have grasped the comniet' ■ 
of these great islands, if she had not been com- 
pelled by the other Powers, on the pacification of 
Europe in 1816, to leave them under the nominal 
jurisdiction of the Dutch. France has been 
much absorbed in her dynastic revolutions and 
wars of ambition to prosecute any grand sch 
of oriental acquisitions. Moreover, as an able 
writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes has observed : 

" It is the interest of continental Europe to d 
Holland in her possessions in the Indian ocean, 
barrier against the encroachments of the Anglo-Saxon 
race in Australia and India, and now pressing 
wards from the Pacific borders of America." 

Thus, as that intelligent traveller, Captain Gib- 
son, has remarked : 

"The Dutch alone have gained a foothold in the 
East Indian archipelago; but impotent by nature to 
conquer or destroy the wealth they so much covet. 
they have done little more than to menace ttie shores 
of these islands with a shadowy and unsubstantial 
power." 

The further and full cultivation of this prolific 
field is held in reserve by Providence for the 
genius of Americans. The American character 
has already found an access to the oriental confi- 
dence, which has never been accorded to Euro- 
pean intercourse. Our commercial policy, aiming 
rather to enrich than to ruin, is well calculated to 
: insure this result. England will fail to convince 
the most credulous people of Asia, that her friend- 
| ship seeks not the spoils of their industry while 
I all India lies prostrate and bleeding at her feet. 
; Holland has evinced still more ruthless barbarity 
! in her dealings with the natives of the archipelago. 
But America alone can proudly point out to the 
Fast a brilliant example of the beauty of her prin- 
ciples and generous raoderatiou of her power, il 
the enlightenment and regeneration of th< E 
with Islands ; while the fact seems still more 
Striking, from its remarkable contrast with the 
wretched condition of the military* possessions of 
i both F.ngland and France at the Marquesas and 
Society groups. Nevertheless, our enterprising 
sons have not yet dared to venture within the 
charmed circle of Dutch exclusion. They have 
en to travel where they had a perfec 



20 



ight to trade — among the beautiful islands of that 
ree Indian ocean. The merchant of Boston or 
5alem, proceeding through the Straits of Sunda 
)r Malacca, on his way to China, is not. allowed 
and penetrate the bays and harbors of 
bat gorgeous group inviting hi? attention, without 
soming in collision with the maritime police of the 
Netherlands, which incessantly watches those 
leas, and with no more foundation in natural right 
)r national law than Danish toll or Algerine trib- 
lte. Our traders entertain the common opinion 
)f the who'e country, that whatever outrage they 
night suffer must be submitted to in silence, with- 
>ut the hope of redress from their own Govern- 
nent, or only after so long delay and so much im- 
portunity and expense a3 would render the cost 
)f reparation equivalent to the original wrong. 

There is a pointed instance of this fact now 
inder the consideration of the Committee on 
foreign Affairs. Captain Walter M. Gibson, an 
imerican traveller of great genius, intelligence, 
md intrepidity, five years ago set sail in his own 
vessel to explore the Islands of the Indian seas, 
»nd pioneer a way for American commerce. In 
;he exercise of his undoubted right, he proceeded 
;o visit the interior of Sumatra, and entered into 
imicable relations with the native &nd independ- 
ent chieftains, for the purpose of securing import- 
int commercial advantages to his country. His 
sntire career presents the unusual spectacle of 
ivarm love for enlightened adventure, tempered 
ay a philosophic spirit, and the most genial hu- 
nanity in ardent sympathy with the species under 
ivhatever conditions of custom, rel'gion, or race. 
Ee remembered that the leading maritime nations 
Df Europe had tried their skill in the East on the 
principles of terror and subjugation, without the 
ittainment of any distinguished or honorable suc- 
cess, and he desired to see what could be effected 
by the American policy of friendship, affinity, and 
soothing assimilation. And Captain Gibson's ex- 
perience opens a luminous and enlarged vista into 
the future of our relations with that lovely quarter 
af the world, which looks almost like a dream of 
E^lory of the strangest enchantment. We are now 
enabled to realize why it was that the Dutch Gov- 
ernment exerted all its strength and cunning to 
ulose the eyes of civilized Powers from these scenes 
of oriental magnificence and wonderful wealth. 
And we can Bee, besides, what a grand mistake 
they committed in transforming the mere curious 
traveller into a martyr for native independence, 
thus conferring upon an American, who never 
thought of such a distinction, an extraordinary in- 
fluence over a people, who are now led to beiiere 
that, in some manner, his fate was blend. 
their own. 

And from the gloomy prison of WYltevreden 

g for the 
oppressed Malay a 

lisjudge 

awaken permanent 

I 

talaj 

1 



the Arabs, and mingled with them by intermar- 
riage until they have become separated from their 
original stock, and form a distinct nationality. In 
their physical appearance, they are lithe and nerv- 
ous, with eyes full of fire, brilliancy, and passion- 
ate enthusiasm. Their prowess amounts to des- 
peration, and all their emotions are lively and 
impetuous. Nor have they been unknown to 
history. In the thirteenth century they acted a 
splendid part on the theatre of Asia, both in war 
and commerce, founding a great empire in Malac- 
ca, and conquering or colonizing rnoit of the In- 
dian islands. But at present their nobility are 
divided by a barbarous feudal system ; and the in- 
herent energies of the race have been long re- 
pressed by the intolerable despotism of the Dutch 
proconsular regime. 

But before I conclude this subject, let me take- 
another and wider sweep around the circle of those 
jeweled sea3. Yonder, far away to the West, are 
the cinnamon woods of Ceylon — that cradle of the 
ancient worship of Buddha. In its soil he imbed- 
ded twenty different kinds of precious stones, such 
as the ruby, sapphire, and flaming amethyst; while 
silver and gold glitter almost as plentuous as peb- 
bles in the beds of its gushing streams ; and every 
forest is laden with the delicious fruits of the trop- 
ics. Above it may be seen the grand peninsular 
of India, like the angle of an acute triangle, thrust 
far out into the ocean, betwixt the famous bay of 
Bengal and the Arabian sea. Still nearer your 
stand-point of Borneo's crystal mountains, in the 
direction of the northwest, you behold a narrow 
peninsular more than a thousand miles in length, 
resembling an immense sword, the sharp end of 
which almost touches Sumatra. That is Malacca,, 
the old land of the Malays. 

Now look towards the East, beyond Celebes,, 
and you discover the resplendent Spice Islands, 
the clove trees of Amboyna, and the nutmegs of 
Banda. Everywhere you see the gorgeous group 
teeming with cocoas and bread fruit, and with all 
the luxuries of the voluptuous East. The very 
air is a sweetened ocean of intoxicating perfumes \ 
and the brilliant birds of Paradise gild the groves 
with their rainbow plumage. Or, gaze northwards,, 
far away, at the lovely family of the Philippines, 
twelve hundred in number, all rich in rice, coffee, 
gold, silver, and in every flower and fruit of the 
tropics. 

At every point you may behold the symbols of 
English, French, Spanish, or Dutch domination ; 
for all these Powers own ports and possessions in 
the Indian seas ; but stili nowhere can you dis- 
cover the starry flag of republican freedom waving 
2 int winds which blow from these islam! a 
of the Blest. Why i< this ? How shall we account 
for so strange an anomaly as this perverse exclu- 
of American authority and enterpric 

I flower gardens of the Orient? Has 

dity of our English parents, or the 

of our elder brothers in Europe, 

monopolized and divided out the globe, by their 

le of primog no dower 

I child in 

If such be 

ion, the crazy will must be re- 

id. The enl a should he set aside. 

ill and void, as contrary to the Am- 



21 

damcntal laws — the higher decrees of Providence. I deed, who can calculate the future riches of that 
The ■ palates of our people must be allowed to wide and inviting field for the work of the Chris- 






taste the nectarine fruits of God that grow on 
those far-off Indian trees. Our adventurous sons 
must be suffered to carry the blessings of religion 
and civilization into the ever-blooming bosom of 
each lovely island — to render them, one and all, 
radiant with a splendor sweeter than the sunlight, 
and brighter than the stars. The modest maidens 
of America have an equal right with any queens 
of the other hemisphere to the golden ore of Su- 
matra, and the flashing diamonds of Borneo, to 
adorn their native beauty, and gem their bridal 
hair. 

But it should never be forgotten that every great 
movement in the march of humanity involves far 
higher considerations than the sordid gains of 
commerce — than any mere material advancements 
or acquisitions, however interesting, permanent, 
or imposing. Philanthropy and religion alike re- 
gard the moral and intellectual wants of the spe- 
cies as inconceivably more important than their 
physical prosperity. Nor can the systematic de- 
sign, the plan and purpose of an overruling and a 
mysterious Providence, be doubted, to elevate and 
civilize the inferior and savage races of mankind, 
through the agency and instrumentality of those 
further promoted in mental polish and social im- 
provement. I say it, with all the reverence of a 
firm belief, there can be no other means imagined, 
without a miracle, for the universal, or even gene- 
ral, exaltation of human kind. 

Interrogate history. The annals of the world 
prove, beyond the possibility of a contradiction, 
that no single people, by their own inherent activ- 
ity, or self-originated impulses, ever yet inaugura- 
ted the reign of progress. On the contrary, the 
first precious seeds of every grand civilization have 
always been borne from abroad. Rome received 
her early arts and literature from Greece, as the 
isles of the Grecian Archipelago had derived even 
the letters of their alphabet froji Egypt and Phoe- 
nicia. All the northern European nations — the 
Gauls, Celts, and Germans — remained in the mid- 
night of ignorance, superstition, and unmitigated 
barbarism, until brought into contact, and mingled 
and melted, as it were, with the elements of Ro- 
man refinement. And every triumph of Christian- 
ity on the surface of the globe has been preceded 
or acccompanied by conquests of a secular charac- 



tian missionary, when the precious grain shall be- 
come white for the harvest ? How every crystal' 
mountain, and valley of smiling green, will ring 
with the chimes of the church bell, and hum with 
village schools ! One can almost fancy how the 
very winds, as they whisper through the cinnamon 
gardens, and the light waves, as they baptize with 
snowy foam the jeweled rocks of the coral reefs, 
will murmur songs of redemption ! How the voice 
of prayer and praise will roll around the circle of 
those sunny isles, from Cape Comorin to the fair 
Moluccas, and from the coffee groves of Java to 
the Tropic of Cancer, until all the regions of the 
fiery Equator shall catch the music of the echo, 
and resound with the hymns of heaven! And 
then, perhaps, shall powers and pictures of civili- 
zation be developed and realized, in that old world 
of the Malays, with their burning imaginations and 
volcanic temperments, more grand and glorioue- 
than ever dawned on a poet's dream. 

But while touching this magnificent topic, 1 
must confess my obligation, and thus, in some 
faint degree, liquidate the large debt which all 
Christendom owes to an intrepid traveler of our 
own country. From him and from his writings I 
obtained the preceding glance into the enchanted 
circle of oriental insular life. I know not what im- 
pression the record he has made may have effected 
in America ; but every American patriot should be 
truly gratified that its thrilling pictures and noble 
words have met with a warm, and even enthusias- 
tic welcome across the great water ; where a lead- 
ing London journal has paid to our traveler and' 
author, Captain Walter M. Gibson, a compliment 
as distinguished as it was well deserved. 

Unfortunately, however, as a just cause of hu- 
miliation to our naticnal pride, the same American 
hand, which unmasked to American eyes the splen- 
dor of that eastern vision, also revealed, 
the cringing and pitiful policy of our own govern- 
ment. Without the least shadow ©f justification, 
or the pretext of an excuse, Captain Gibsoii 
incarcerated in a Dutch dungeon, by the colonial 
authorities, where be languished for months, and 
whence he escaped only with his life, by the brave 
and generons assistance of a Malay heroine. A:; 
American citizen, in the peaceful pursuits of com- 
merce and scientific curiosity, was plundered, im- 



ter, by the inroads of science, of commerce, of the j prisoned, and menaced with death ; and yet, up to 
arts, or of arms. The unaided missionary, how- j the present moment, the administration has not 
ever ardent his zeal, may never hope to convert j found the courage to seek the proper redress. — 
the Pagan world. All the united forces of Chris- , Does any one suppose that, if such an outrage had 
tian civilization must concur in the labor. been perpetrated against an r, the 

And it is precisely on this ground that I would ' English Government would have thus acquiesced 
urge the extension of a large and enlightened for- without a murmur? The very idea is simply 
eign policy to all parts of the earth, and more es- j ridiculous. Then, why Bhould v e Q ai ifefll a spirit 
pecially to the great Indian archipelago, that won- of more humble submi- 
derful flower-garden and physical paradise of the '■■ the passive victims of foreign scoi i 
globe. I would have thrown open an intercourse it is injurious to the 
to us of the utmost profit, and to them of ever-' Having previously in 
lasting gain. For the nectar and ambrosia of 

tropical fruits, I would barter the bread i the Powers ol the earth, it remains forme to 

mortal hW; and as a dc ble compensation for all pie more sternly than 1 
their gems and gold, I would interstar the gorgeous I great practical question as to what coui 
oriental imagination with the beautiful truths of I be adopted in order to avoid the erro: - 
our science, and the brilliant, the bound: perience has demonstrated in the past, and to in- 

of our most holy and heavenly religion. And, a brilliant and uninterrupted 



-- 



uoal of our ultimate and exal Q the 

tuture. 

In my judgment, natural and abstract right, the 
law of nations, the light of expediet.cy, and the 
mo^t urgent m bi -interest, all accord in 

the declaration of two cardinal principles, as the 
original' and unchangable axioms of American 
policy. The one is notable and well kr.own, 
though shamefully misunderstood, as the Monroe 
doctrine ; and the other, which has hitherto 
received no accurate or logical definition, or par- 
ticular and fixed name, I shall take the liberty of 
terming the natural doctrine of voluntary ■ 

To comprehend fully the thorough import of the 
former doctrine, it becomes necessary to advert 
briefly to the causes which first led to its promul- 
gation ; and, therefore, I must entreat pardon for 
slightly trespassing on the patience of the House 
by a cursory reference to some extraordinary facts 
in the antecedent and cotemporary history of Eu- 
ropean politics. 

When the unprecedented pow.ii of Napoleon 
suddenly flashed up from the fiery e;a:?r of the 
French revolution, like some strange meteor, to 
appal the nations and render the throne of every 
tyrant in the Old Woild tr< nsecure, the 

potentates affected by that wonderful phenomenon 
of popular force naturally conceived a boundless 
aversion, mingled with mortal awe. at the bare 
idea of political changes, and especially of such as 
tended to unsettle the stability of" hereditary gov- 
ernments. Accordingly, after the final restoration 
of the Bourbons to the rule of subjugated Frai ee, 
the great continental Powers of Russia. Pi 
and Austria, concluded and published a trei 
Paris, which has generally been called the Holy 
Alliance. The project originated with the Empe- 
ror Alexander, of Russia ; and from its devout in- 
vocations, ami solemn protestations of clemency, 
justice, and Christianity, it might have been re- 
garded as the installation of a novel system of re- 
ligious fanaticism, had not the subsequent conduct 
of its authors stamped a decisive negative on that 
hypothesis, proving it to be altogether political. 

This misnamed Holy Alliance was only the in- 
choate step in a series of sins against the law of 
nature and of nations — aggressions the most as- 
tonishing of any recorded in the pages of modern 
history. In the spring of 1821, these same sove- 
reigns assembled in Congress at Laybach. and 
openly proclaimed, as the polar star of their poli- 
cy, a principle the most dangerous ever taught 
even in the courts of absolute despotism. They 
addressed a circular to their foreign ministers, 
which, among other monstrous absurdities, alleges 
" that useful and necessary changes in legislation. 
and in the administration of States, ought only to 
emanate from the free will and intelligent and well- 
weighed conviction of tho^e whom God has rem 
den ile for power. All that deviates 

from this line, necessarily leads to disorder, com- 
motions, and evils far more insufferable than those 
which they pretend to remedy." 

It i.- needless to remark how totally incompati- 

-uch a doctiine as this : - with the theory 

of the American Government, o- indeed with the 

principles, and even existence, of any liberal or 

'ated government whatsoever. Nor could 



this .-• of the diademed doc- 

tors of a new international law be interpreted and 
treated as an abstract declaration, a mere lesson of 
learned authority for the enlightenment of the I 
tions, with no view or design to its forcible appp.i- 
cation in practice. For the same Congress had 
avowed at Troppau, " that the powers have an u: - 
doubted right to take a hostile attitude in regard 
to those States in which the overthrow of the gov- 
ernment may operate as an example." 

The joint effect of these different proclaim;, 
was to convince all sensible men that this Holy 
Alliance had determined on the subjection of the 
civilized woild to their favorite standard of abso- 
lute rule. If. however, any* uncertainty as to the 
object of that stupendous conspiracy against al! 
free institutions still lingered in any mind, it was 
dissipated by the Congress of Verona in the autumn. 
of 1322. At that time Spain was under the con- 
stitutional government of the Cortez, chosen I 
unfettered will, and supported by the general ap- 
probation of the Spanish people themselves. The 
allied Powers of Russia, Prussia, France, and Aus- 
tria, proposed to reinstate the tyrai ad, in 
all his ancient authority ; and notwithstanding the 
strong dissent and spirited protest of Engl 
measure was adopted. In the spring of 182 

ay marched into Spain, overturned the 
popular government, and re-established despotism 
on its old foundations. Such a violent and mortal 
stab of the crowned conspirators, aimed at 
heart of universal liberty, and even at the 
pendence of nations, could not fail to attract at- 
tention, and excite alarm in the United States : and 
the powerful voice of Mr. Webster sounded its 
trumpet tones, signalizing the imminent dang 
the Halls of Congress. 

But that was not all. In December of the same 
as soon as the Spanish king felt completely 
assured of his absolute throne, he addressed a formal 
invitation' to his august allies, suggesting a new 
conference, at Paris, to devise some plan for 
renovation of rtis fallen authority over the revolted 
colonies of Spanish America. The proposed as- 
sembly of sovereigns, however, was defeated by 
the firm opposition of England, and the decided 
stand taken by the United States. 

It was precisely at this perilous crisis of B 
that Mr. Monroe uttered, in a message to Con- 
gress, hi.- famous doctrine, which has lately pro- 
voked so much comment and discussion in both 
hemispheres. In reference to the apprehended 
European intervention on this continent he said : 

" We owe it to candor, and to the amicable rela- 
tions existing between the United Suite.- and tl 
Powers, to declare that we should consider any at- 
tempt ou their part to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our I 
and safety. With the existing colonies <>r dependen- 
cies of any European Power, we hare not interfered, 
and shall not interfere. But with the Govern] 
who have declared their independence and maintain- 
ed it, and whose independence we have, on great con- 
sideration, and on just principles, acknov 
eould not view any interposition for the purpose of 
oppressing mem, or controlling in any other manner 
their destiny, in any other light than as the mat 
tationof an unfriendly disp »( I wardstheUn 
States." 

This memorable message also contained another 
and kindred declaration equally prude: I 



23 



portant, as the complement to the circle of Amer- 
can policy. It asserted : 

•'In the wars ef the European Powers, in matters 
relating to themselves, we have never token any part, 
does it comport with our policy so to do. It is 
only when our rights are invaded, or seriously ::."- 
naced. that we resent injuries, or make preparations 
for defence. With the movements in this hemisphere 
we are more immediately connected, and by causes 
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impar- 
tial observers. The political system of the Allied 
Powers is essentially different, in this respect, from 
that of America." 

This doctrine, on its first publication, and in all 
its parts, met the cordial approval of the whole 
country, and was hailed with enthusiastic delight 
by all the friends of liberal institutions throughout 
the world. Nor did even the English people greet 
it with less warmth or welcome. The principal 
minister of the British Government, Mr. Canning, 
expressed, in the House of Commons, his hearty 
concurrence in the opinions of the American Pres- 
ident ; while the great leader of the opposition, 
Mr. Brougham, avowed in his place, " that no 
event had ever created more joy, exultation, and 
gratitude among the freemen in Europe ; and that 
he felt pride in being connected by blood and lan- 
guage with the people of the United States." 

Let me next apply the scrutiny of a more search- 
ing analysis to that Monroe doctrine, which, at 
first, commended itself to such general and intelli- 
gent approbation in both hemispheres, but which 
now is so strangely misunderstood in the one, and 
so shamefully misrepresented in the other. An 
impartial examination shows it to involve three 
fundamental principles — neither more nor less. 
First: That in the wars of European Powers in 
-natters relating to themselves, we have no sort of 
political concern whatsoever. Secondly : That 
with the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European Power, we will not interfere. Thirdly : 
That the European Powers shall ^ot extend their 
system to any portion of this hemisphere, nor at- 
tempt, in any manner, to control the destiny of its 
jndependentgovernments, under the penalty, what- 
ever that might be, of being considered and treat- 
ed as unfriendly to the United States. In short, 
the declaration publicly, and in the face of the 
world, protested that we would not intermeddle 
with matters of exclusively European policy; and 
that no Power of Europe should interpose in Amer- 
ican affairs. The latter branch of the doctrine im- 
plied, as its logical corollary, the utter prohibition 
of European colonization on the American continent, 
which, nevertheless, was deemed by the President 
of suffcient moment to warrant a distinct and pos- 
itive affirmation. 

And yet the English Government, at the time, 
I took no exception to the policy as published ; but, 
on the contrary, fully approved its terms and ob- 
jects, and by that act, must be adjudged as forever 
precluded from posterior exception, or agitation of 
the queetiou. Why should Lord Clarendon be 
permitted to criticise, now, political maxims \ 
once commanded the enlightened assent of the il- 
lustrious and classical Canning, and drew from the 
eloquent at gl a, then 

be glory of his golden prime, a burning 
burs$ of sympathy and admiration '■ 
peal even to any inteilii 



j and inquire, what possible or rational objection can 
J you urge against this doctrine? Is it not fair, 
generous, and just, between all the parties having 
j any interest in the issue ? You prefer and cherish 
; a system of government by the hands of hereditary 
royalty in Europe; while we choose a constitutional 
| government by the people in America. Very well ; 
I this can be no ground for enmity or opposition ; 
let both of us exercise the natural privilege of in- 
dependent sovereignties, to live under the rule 
which pleases us the best. But if it be replied 
that our republican influence or example will 
prove dangerous to the absolute institutions of 
Europe, I answer, neither shall that be any cause 
of controversy or quarrel, so far as we can prevent 
it ; for your domination on this continent would be 
still more dangerous and deleterious to our form 
of government ; and as happily. the whole breadth 
of tl.e ocean separates our respective territories, 
we propose, as an additional guarantee of peace 
and friendship, the safe and equal compromise of 
the Monroe doctrine. We will not obtrude our 
influence on the sphere of European politics ; and 
as a just compensation, you must not interfere 
with the policy of the free Powers in America. 
And thus there can arise no occasion or pretext 
for a collision. Can anything be more reasonable 
or prudent than such a proposition ? Can aught 
be imagined more wisely calculated to obviate dis- 
cord, and insure the perpetuity of amicable rela- 
tions ? The systems of government that prevail in 
the two hemispheres are seen to be logical and po- 
litical contradictories. The dark shadow of abso- 
lutism, with a single exception, dwells on the one ; 
while the pure sunlight of republican liberty, though 
obscured in spots by the fogs of anarchy, beams on 
the other. Now, it these opposite systems come 
into near contiguity, or immediate contact, in the 
same locality, they will necessarily seek to van- 
quish each other, and in the struggle for superior- 
ity, war must result ; and to preclude such a pos- 
sibility, they must be kept apart — divided by the 
great gulf of distance : let each be confined to its 
appropriate space. But this is the declaration of 
Monroe ; and I esteem it as one of the wisest po- 
litical inventions ever conceived by the intellect ol 
man. It was the proclamation of independence 
for all the countries on this continent. And it 
was the promulgation of an honorable peace, also, 
with all the governments on the globe. 

This salutary doctrine was net devised, as some 
erroneously suppose, to lay the foundation tor a 
series of aggressive schemes against the Territo- 
ries of our American neighbors. It put forth no 
kind of pretension of any right to oppress or plun- 
der them, or to encroach on their boucdar es, or 
to control their administration, nor yet to inter- 
fere in any way with their policy, save in their be- 
half, as friends and protectors, and with their free 
accord and full consent. It laid o kind 

of supremacy over any American State. It arro- 
gated no superiority, and proffered no advice. It 
•r intended as an instrument of :• 
izement at the expense of others. It com- 
.s to no wild and wicked project of con- 
ization. It simply de- 
clared in I defense of every A: 
Governm the reign of European Powers 
led in the W surely 



2 4 



d not follow, by any'legitiinate rule of inference, orations designed to involve this country in a 
at the United States must become oppressors or European war, as the ally and instrument of the 
rants in their turn. It only left us, as well as all revolutionary faction. While the three principal 
e other American sovereignties, free and unfet- Powers were engaged in the crisis of the Eastern 
red from the authority of foreign dictation, to war, the torch of insurrection was to be ki 
>al with every question of intcr-Americsn policy in Western Europe, and fanned to a general con- 
: it might be presented, and in the mode which flagration. 
ir own sense of justice, humanity, and the best' The projectors assumed that Spain would deny 

of the continent might require, under all reparation for the outrages upon American com- 
ic circumstances of the special case, merce. In that case the United States would in- 
It is truly strange, that such a discreet and ecu- stantly despatch an armament to sei/.e the Island 
immate plan of political wisdom as this, should of Cuba, as a material guarantee for the redress 

a so egregiously misapprehended, per- ' demanded. But it was well known that a treatv 
>rted, slandered, denied, and flagrantly violated, '-listed between the English, French, and Spanish 
ithout redress, or even apology. It can be no Governments, securing to the latter the possession 
onder that European potentates treat a doctrine of Cuba ; and, therefore, those Powers would be 
ith scorn, which has been so long trailed in the compelled to a declaration of hostilities against us 



6ry mire of diplomacy, and so often trampled un 
er foot with impunity. 
But the chief outrage against this principle re- 



l>y the terms of their compact on that subject. — 
This sudden state of war would, of necessity, and 
all in a moment, interrupt and bar the intercourse 
lains still to be told.' For — I blush to recount ! of this country with the western shores of Europe: 
— one of the most notorious infringements of the and our supplies of com and cotton being cut off 
lonroe doctrine proceeded from our own Govern- \ both from England and France, it was imagined 
lent, and the fact will be preserved in the annals that the people of both nations would be precipi- 
sent administration. Ay, the crime was tated into dreadful revolutions. In short, the 
erpetrated by the very prophets and high-priests plan was nothing less than a tremendous conspir- 
f the dogm i, e T en by the very men who preached acy against the peace of the world. 

ds of avenging its desecration. In order, however, to induce the entire Cabinet 
allude to the world-renowned phenomenon of at Washington to acquiesce in the whole scheme, 
le Ostend conference. it was deemed necessary to procure the assent and 

uts succeed each other with such won-' concurrence of the American ministers at London 
erful rapidity in the progress of American politi- and Paris ; and hence originated the idea of a 
al life, as soon to efface the memory of the most conference. Accordingly, those high officials as- 
nportaut measures, when they have once been sembled at Ostend, accompanied by Mr. Daniel 
ither executed or abandoned, I may be excused Sickles, Mr. Geoige X. Sanders, and Mr. Piatt, 
ir bestowing a hasty glance at the extraordinary their suboidinates, all men of violent revolution- 
uomaly in American administrative policy, which ary tendencies. Mr. Mason, it is said, adopted 
have previously mentioned. It seems, that the project at once. Mr. Buchanan hesitated, but 
rhen Mr. Soule received the appointment of Min- 1 finally consented to lead the movement, as is 
ster to Spain, in conjunction with the President shoTta by his signature being foremost on the 
e digested his own instructions and arranged a manifesto. It is asserted, and, so far as I know, 
ystematic scheme for the annexation of Cuba. — it has never been formally contradicted, that Mr. 
Jut as to how many other members of the Cabinet Sanders, as a stimulus to the expected insurrec- 
oncurred in the plan, it does not become me to tionary impulse, circulated the.revolutionaiy ad- 
lazard a conjecture, dresses of Mazzini and Ledru Rollin, through the 

The rationale of the original project was as fol- dispatch of the American legatiop, both in France 
ows : The American Minister had authority to of- 1 and other European countries. Nevertheless, the 
er the Spanish Government some hundred millions whole scheme failed from the dis lpprobation of 
if dollars, as the payment for "the gem of the one man, whose support was essential to its exe- 
vntilles." He was also directed to demand ample cution. And I make the statement with the 
md immediate redress for the many aggressions greater pleasure, as a seuse of public duty has 
igainst American commerce, committed by Span- compelled me to criticise the conduct of that emi- 
els in the vicinity of Cuba. It must be nent functionary in many other particulars. When 
:onceded that nothing appeared on the surface of the American Cabinet received the Ostend declar- 
,his diplomatic plan which could be pronounced ation, they lacked the courage to carry it out: 
mfair, or even a point of departure from the line and being urged by the strenuous opposition of 
)f our safe and settled policy. But beneath the Mr. Marcy to all parts of the measure, they re- 
brilliant flowers of its verbiage lurked the subtile \ versed the programme of war and revolution which 
whose poison was to destroy the vitality must, otherwise, have set both hemispheres in 
Dftbe Monroe doctrine, and cause all Europe to tlamcs, and would, perhaps, before the end, have 
recoil from the stench of its putrid corpse, as in- covered every country on the globe with blood and 
deed, too Boon mifest to the senses of ashes. 1 rejoice to say it, as an act of simple jus- 

the civilized world. tice to one whom I cannot, however, regard as a 

-ailed for Europe. He was in no hurry, \ safe political guide, that in my opinion the world 
the goal of his destination, Btands indebted to the American Secretary of State 
delayed in London to hold repeated con-, for its fortunate escape from a calamity more ter- 
sultations with the lied Republican chiefs of the lilde than any it has experienced since the con- 
revolutionary committee — Mazzini, Ledru Rollta, vulsions of the dark 
and Kossuth. The four concerted a sy <h > iow, I boldly affirm that the Ostend project, 



25 



ah initio, was an open and outrageous infraction i standard of the Monroe creed in both its articles, 
of one cardinal axiom in our Monroe doctrine. — or rather, in all three ; and we need not despair of 
It was an unpardonable transgression against the | yet convincing the civilized world, and ev<;n the 
letter and spirit of that rule which forbids Amen- 1 prejudiced aristocracy of England, not only that the 
can interference in matters of strictly European j consummation of our " manifest destiny " i 
policy. There can be no mistake as to this fact. — I separably implicated with the progressive civiliza- 
He that runs may read it. I will not comment on 1 tion of all humanity, but also that the means na- 
the singularity of the appointment itself — the turally neeessary to insure it may well accord with 



public mission of a foreigner to a foreign court. — 
That was doubtless thought expedient by the 
President to influence foreign suffrages at home. 
But I do maintain, that the appointment of M. 
Soule, though a man of brilliant genius, yet a fiery 
Girondist of the most ultra school, as minister to 
the court of Spain, so intimately connected with 
the politics of France, the country of his nativity, 
was a departure from one great idea in the Monroe 
declaration, as well as what Louis Napoleon actu- 
ally considered it — an implied insult to the French 
Government. Nor can I regard the designation 
of the inferior officials, Sanders, Sickles, and Piatt, 
to European posts in any other light. One and 
all, they are Red Republicans more than Ameri- 
cans. For, we must not forget that the Democra- 
cy of Europe is as different from that of America 
as European despotism itself. It would not be 
going too far to say, that the Red Republicans of 
the Old World have no other or higher conception 
of liberty, than that of the concentrated, undigest- 
ed, and indigestible will of the numerical majority, 
without check, or balance, or constitutional regu- 
lation. Such a system of self government presents 
as violent a contrast to ours, as even the absolu- 
tism of the Russian empire. Shadowy and fantas^ 
tic in theory, and utterly impossible in fact, it 
bears about the same resemblance to .our philoso- 
phic and practical plan of Federal authority, which 
the object of their political worship, the mystic 
Marianne, a lineal descendent of the infidel " god- 
dess of reason," does to the pure and beautiful 
virginity of a modest American maiden. The 
very appearance of such American incendiaries in 
the circle cf European courts — the mere mission 
of men pledged to insurrectionary opinions — of 
men, who, like George N. Sanders, proclaim at 
Red Republican meetings in New York, " that 
they would invent a patent guillotine for cutting 
off crowned heads by wholesale " — is a virtual in- 
citement to rebellion and revolution, on the part 
of the United States, and rationally explains the 
unfriendly tone of the French press, as well as the 
jealousy of Louis Napoleon. But the sympathy 
and association of American ministers with those 



the rules of justice, the principles of international' 
law, and with pacific relations towards every other 
people and power on the g obc. 

I must now turn to the other great measure of 
American po icy, which I suggested at the outset 
as the natural doctrine of voluntary expatriation. 
I approach this topic, however, with humility and 
hesitation, as the trueprirciple has been strangely 
misapprehended in both hemispheres, and I enter- 
tain sentiments very different from some of our 
own most distinguished politicians. Indeed, the 
doctrine, as I before remarked, has never yet re- 
ceived either a logical definition, or an appropriate 
name. In the United States it goes under the 
vague and various denominations of " individual 
liberty," " citizen sovereignty," " personal inde- 
pendence," or "the right of emigration;" while 
in England it is viewed as synonymous with filli- 
busterism, foreign aggression, and indefinite an- 
nexation. Nevertheless, without attempting to 
fix the ideas of others by a precise, description, I 
will endeavor to explain my own. By the natural 
doctrine of expatriation, then, I understand the in- 
herent and indefeasible privilege and power of 
every freeman to a universal passage over the sur- 
face of the globe, both by land and water — She 
human right of locomotion which God has given 
in the mere fact of our physical organization — and 
not to be limited by geographical lines of latitude 
and longitude, like an island or mountain, nor yet 
to be fastened and tied down to a particular spot, 
of earth, like a rock or a tree. 

I am aware that the feudal system — that mon- 
strous birth of the middle ages — taught an oppo- 
site political faith ; and that even the law of impe- 
rial Rome instituted the slavish maxim : " Origine 
propria ncminem posse voluntate sua eximi m 
festum est" — that no one can abjure the native 
allegiance which he owes to the land where he was 
born. I admit, too, that any number of learned 
dicta can be quoted in support of the absurdity : 
but, in contradiction of all such authority, I urge,, 
as unanswerable disproof, the decrees of nature 
and of Providenee, and the commands of the Al- 
mighty himself, to populate and civilize the world. 



wild dreamers of European socialism — Kossuth, ; The distribution of the species ; the migration of 
Mazzini, and Ledru Rollin — displayed a far more nations and races, and the settlement of every 
insulting contempt towards the leading Powers of ! country on the earth; the insatiable curiosity of 
the other hemisphere. All such public acts by the intellect ; the physical necessities of our mate- 
the authority, or with the connivance, of the I rial frames ; and all the instincts of the human 
American Government, are so many palpable vio- . heart, — alike confute and condemn the ruie of per- 
lations of the Monroe policy If we would enforce petual allegiance as a relic of barbarism and brutal 
one dogma of that peaceful and prudent doctrine, : domination. At all events, the United States 
we must be careful to observe the other, its logi-j stand committed to a different doctrine, and must, 
cal correlative, with the most scrupulous accuracy \ therefore, uphold the natural right of expatriation 
and good faith ; for how can we insist, without j in all its amplitude and force ; for, only by the ex- 
blushes of shame, that European potentates shall . ercise of that right has the continent itself been 
not interpose in American affairs, while we stretch j peopled — a right which is recognised in our laws 
out our hands across the ocean, to fire the de- of naturalization, and which is confirmed by the 
stroying mines of insurrection which underlie [ regulations of both the Army and the Navy. In 
their thrones? Let us, then, conform to the true ' truth, the feudal maxim was never anything more 



than a vain abstraction, since nent in in the Army or Ifavy, or anywhere wii 

the civilized world ever essayed it- execution in ; Territorial limits of his owr. original Gov.. 
f. lCt This point, when once stated, seems too e 

aces of for comment : 
Sple Every free citizen, at his option, quite overlooked on both sides of the com: 
may renounce all political connection with his own ' for it must be evident, that, without this essentia'. 
country, and unite himself with the people of any limitation— if a subject might abjure his allegiance 
Other, who may choose to receive him. But is anywhere, or at any moment— logical conclu- 
■r clause of the sentence, which fixes a . sions destructive to all national and legitimate au- 
lirnitation on the generality of the whole proposi- thority would result. No Government would be 
. to its logical validity and truth ? j sovereign within its own boundaries, tor the expa- 
Caniiot i of one nation become the mem- triated class must form an exception. The admi- 

ber of another, without the consent of the new so-j ral might carry away the nation'- fleet, and carry 
cietv which he desires to enter! I reply, without it, lawfully, into the ports ef the enemy ; while ir. 
ertainty, that he cannot. And this; the crisis of a conflict on the land in some great 
follows as an inevitable corollary from every theo- battle, when the very existence of a country de- 
rv of the social compact, and from the principles ; pended on the issue, the general-in-ehief, or his 
of sovereignty and national independence. There subordinates, or any number of the soldiery, might 
can be no axiom better established as a fundamen- suddenly exclaim : " We will stand this storm of 
tal in universal law, than the prerogative of every | shot and shell, of steel and fire, no longe'- — huzza 
community to -efuse the privilege ot citizenship to ' lor the right of expatriation !" and then instantly 
an v and all foreigners, at the discretion of the turn their arms against the banners of their rati, e 
Government. A contrary doctrine would involve j land ! It follows, also, from the qualification last 
deductions too ridiculous for exposure by argument. ' mentioned, that the principle of expatriation does 
Now m a necessary conclusion from the forego- ; not confer any power on the citizen to compro- 
in<* premises, it mnst be admitted that the sub- j mise the pacific relations of his own Gove 
jects of one country have no right to force their > or to perform one act of hostility on its soil. w 'iri> 
institutions on the independent people of any other j out the authority of some command or permissior. 
nation ; for, if they cannot wrest by violence, from expressed in the forms of law. All such conduct 
a foreign Goveruni nt, even the minor privilege of is an offence against the independent sovereignty 
a perfect membership in its society, much less can i of the country, as well as against the public code 
they arrogate the power of dictation to determine ; of nations, and may and should be punished in tha; 
it- constitution, or to modifv its laws. And here, i character. 

I must express my utter dissent toto ccelo, from j I am compelled, therefore, though with much 
the wild opinions of the Red Republicans, whether ! diffidence and the greatest respect, to declare my 
in Europe or America. I deny altogether that we | disbelief in the doctrines promulgated some time 



are entitled, upon any principles of justice, reason, 
or expediency, to propagate liberty or Democracy 
by the sword. I deny this dangerous and revolu- 



ago on this floor by the distinguished member 
from Mississippi, on the subject of our statute? 
for the preservation of American neutrality. 



tibnary right to the Government, and to all the | is true, I yield my hearty assent to the first of his 
people : and I protest against the interpolation of I general premises— that Congress, under the Con- 
any such fanatical dogma into the natural doctrine ' stitution, has no power to create offences against 
of voluntary expatriation, which would only render the law of nations, bnt only to define a.;d punish 
it revolting to the common sense of mankind. j such as were known and recognised at the epoch 
I concede the fact, and avow it as my cherished of our independence, by the public code of Europe, 
belief, that the subjects of anv country may join or such as may grow out of treaties legally con- 
themselves to another nation, 'if the latter be will- ; summated. Thus far we agree. But I dissent al- 
ine to adopt them ; and that, in such case, they together from his minor proposition, which affirms 
roav take part in its civil wars, or engage in hos- certain preparations for aggressive hostilities by 
tilities against foreign Powers, as freely and fully ! the subjects of a neutral sovereign within his owr. 
as any native Oi" the land to which they may have jurisdiction, and against the territories of a friend- 
emigrated— but always provided they" shall have ly power, to accord both with a state of neutrality, 



previously renounced their original allegiance, and 
thus cut off all ties of connection with the Govern- 
ment of their birth. And men may elect to pur 



and the established rules of the law of nations.— 
On the contrary, I regard them to be wholly in- 
compatiable with either ; and I will now proceed 



sue this course from a variety of motives— from to detail my reasons for this judgment, 
self-interest, or the abstract' love of liberty, or In the first place, I must remark that the sole 
from the high and holy impulses of a generous authority cited by the gentleman as favonug his 
philanthropy to aid a suffering people writhing in ! assumptions, was that of Vattel, and this did dot 
the dust under the iron harrow of tvrants and their seem tome coextensive with his own Iatitudma- 
armed tools. ' ian position either in length or breadth. How- 

But reason, and even the etymological import ever, let that pass ; for, although the gentleman 
of the word expatriate, require another and further ; has seen proper to ignore the fact, it is neverthe- 
qualification of this natural doctrine. To exercise less certain, that the absurd and unsupported die- 
the right, the citizen must also exert the power.— turn of Vattel on the point under discussion has 
He must couple the fact with the intention, so as ; been totally discredited and discarded by all re- 
to place himself literally «r/>a*Wo— that is to say, cent writers, and among the rest, by both Mr. 
actually 1 jurisdiction, both civil and po- Manning and Chancellor Kent. (See Mannings 



actually 

litical, of his native sovereign 



He is not so while Cora., p. 180.) 



27 



Kent broadly asserts, "that it is an essential i might be ready to march or sail; and thus there 
•-•haracter of neutrality to furnish no aids to one might, and would be, presented the political con- 
party, "^hich the neutral is not equally ready to] tradietion of war and peace vrithin the same di- 
furnish to the other." And he quotes, with cor- ' vided State. The adoption of the honorable gen- 
dial approbation, the rule laid down by Mr. Man- j tleman's policy would be the end of all i 
uintr, " that foreign levies may not be allowed to If I co Id go as far as he does, I would even Yen- 
one belligerent, while refused" to his antagonist, ture a step further, and advocate an utter repeal 
consistently with the duties of neutrality, unless of the law of nations. With a grand flourish ol 
such an exclusive privilege was granted by treaty ; trumpets, with the flutter of blood-red banners, 
antecedent to the war." (1 Kent's Com., p. 1 16.) and the firing of cannon, I would install in the 
Again : The same eminent American author re- highest dignity of a national maxim, on the records 
affirms the principle in other and stronger terms : , of Congress, the terrible lines of Lucan— 
" That no use of neutral territory, for the pur- " Mensuraque juris 

poses of war, can be permitted ; and that no prox- Via '.rat." 

imate acts of war are to be allowed to originate in And then I would give the sanguinary sentence a 
any manner on neutral ground." (1 Kent Com., :f ree translation, and send Soule to publish it around 
p. 118.) the world : ''American might is the only principle 

The same doctrine was judicially declared in the f American right !" 
English courts in the leading case of the Twee There is but one outlet by which the gentleman 
Gcbroeders, and the decision has never been can escape from the conclusion of all the authori- 
shaken, or even criticised, to the present hour, ties that I have previously quoted, and a hundred 
(5 Rob. Rep., p. 873;) others which I have not time to mention ; and that 

This rule has also received the highest sanction ; wou ld be, to contend that neutral subjects have the 
of the American Government. Mr. Jefferson ap- , right to perform acts within a neutral jurisdiction, 
proved it in his letter to Mr. Tennant of the 15th to prepare hostile enterprises, which the neutral 
of May, 1793; while the American commissioners sovereign himself could not do. This, however, 
to .the court of France — Benjamin Franklin, would be too monstrous an absurdity for any logi- 
Silas Dean, and Arthur Lee— by their circular, ca i r even sane intellest to broach. Besides, as 
in 1793, to the commanders of American vessels, t he Constitution has wisely conferred on the Na- 
extended the principle to all captures and acts of. tional Legislature the exclusive power to declare 
a hostile nature, even " within sight of a neutral W ar, that delegation of authority, ipso facto, op- 
eoast." erates, by necessity, as a perfect negative against 

In Dewutz vs. Hendricks, 9 Moore's C. R. Rep., the right to originate any hostile enterprise or 
586, it was held " to be contrary to the law of na- ! movement on the part of either the States or the 
tions for persons residing in England to enter into people ; and hence such actions might well be pun- 
engagements to raise money, by way of loan, for i i sne d as offences against Federal sovereignty, and 
the purpose of supporting the subjects of a foreign ' t he fundamental law of the Constitution, as well as 
State in arms against a government in friendship crimes against the law of nations. 
with England, and that no legal right of action at- Finally, to borrow the language of Mr. Webster, 
tached upon any such contract." And the same then Secretary of State, in his official letter to 
doctrine was avowed by the Government of the Lord Ashburton of April 21, 1841 : " It is amani- 
United States, in Mr. Pickering's letter to Messrs. f es t and gross impropriety for individuals to en- 
Pinkney, Marshall, and Gerry, of March 2, 1798. ga ge in the civil conflicts of other States, and thus 
Indeed, with the strange and solitary exception i be at war while their Government is at peace; 
of Vattel, whota Chancellor Kent justly character- , and that the salutary doctrine of non-intervention 
izes as " a loose writer, and not sufficiently sup- , by one nation with the affairs of others is liable to 
ported by the authority of precedents " — all the be esseniially impaired, if, while the Government 
uodern treatises, and the adjudications of every refrains from interference, interference is still ai- 
enlightened tribunal in Europe and the United lowed to its subjects, individually or in masses." 
States, alike concur in the maxim, that no prepar- 1 If it, then, be asked, ol what account is my 
ations for aggressive war, and no proximate acts of natural doctrine of voluntary expatriation, in the 
hostility against a friendly Power, can be tolerated ; view of the foregoing principles, I reply, that there 
In neutral territory, in accordance with the law of exists not the tightest incongruity of contradic- 
nations. And therefore, on that question, the tion betwixt the rules of the two doctrines; be- 
opinioa of Vattel, as cited by the member from cause, the instant when an individual has consum- 
Mississippi, is completely superseded and null. — mated bis expatriation by passing beyond the ju- 
And his minor premise Jailing, the whole super- risdiction of his native sovereign, and by abjuring 
structure of deduction founded on it topples to the his allegiance, both in fact and iatention, he ceases 
dust, crushed by its own weignt, ma. — to be a subject of the former Govern m 

In fact, from its self-evident justice, as well as comes free to act on his own respoasibility — to 
manifest expediency, one might well suppose that unite with what other societies, to enlist in what 
the rule of equal and impartial neutrality should armies, and to wage whatever wars may comport 
be considered asan axiom of common sense. For, with his interests, attract his sympathies, or j 
if persons could be permitted to prepare arma- his fancy; and such is the practical hw of the 
ments, or digest hostile expeditions on neutral whole civilized world. Englishmen, Irishmen, 
soil, the Power against which they were intended French, and Germans, marched and (ought with 
to act must have the corresponding right to eater I our American forces i:i the campaign agains 
the ports and invade the jurisdiction of the neutral ico, without compromising the neutrality, or 
sovereign, and destroy them in limine before they ing the peace and honor of their oritpual Govern 



28 



ments, to which they owed fidelity no longer. But , published a declaration of war against the new 
to urge the principle further, and suffer either ! Republic, and precipitated an invasion to extermi- 
aliens or subjects to make neutral soil the theatre nate all foreigners, although the (lite of her own 
of preparation for war against any friendly Power, I array was composed of foreign materials — of Eng- 
by the enlistment of troops, or the contrivance of, lish soldiers carrying English muskets, and French 
armaments and expeditions, would not be to ad- 1 and Germans, equipped with the deadly Minie ride, 
vance and improve the modern law of nations, but , forged in the famous arsenals of Europe. The 
to return backwards to the savage and unsettled, mightiest agency of modern times— the whole Eu- 
or rather piratical, st ate of the most barbarous and , ropean press — enlisted with unusual warmth in 
bloody ages, to the epoch of the Crusaders, or the i behalf of Costa Rica, and to put down the repub- 
days of the Goths and Vandals. licans. But the most unique spectacle of all, was 

Nevertheless, I must also avow, that I am in to behold the Government of the United States 
favor of one limitation on the present statutes for | taking the same side of tyranny and oppression, 
the preservation of our neutral relations ; for The authorities of Costa Rica had proclaimed 
although I' cannot regard those laws as substan- their determination to expel every native of this 
tantially objectionable in themselves, they yet country from the soil of Central America, and to 
seem liable to be stretched by construction, by the violate all the rules of civilized warfare, by the re- 
judiciary, as well as by the Executive, to purposes fusal of quarter, or therisht of capitulation, to per- 
of the most injurious tendency, and such as never sons born within our jurisdiction. Such a declar- 
were contemplated at the time of their enactment. ! ation was a direct and atrocious infringement of 

We have all witnessed the actual exercise of the natural doctrine of voluntary expatriation. — 
this power of perversion in the recent instance of i Nevertheless, the Executive of the United States 
Nicaragua, and therefore we should anticipate the took no steps to defend its own dignity and honor, 
possibility of its recurrence. What, sir, were the I or to maintain the interests and privileges of the 
facts? A division of opinion and sentiment, equiv- j people. It uttered no protest against the barbarism 
alent to a perpetual condition of civil war, existed of Costa Rica, and evinced no disposition to throw 
among the people of Nicaragua themselves. One even the weight of its moral influence and exam- 
faction preferred the rule of despotism pure and ' pie in the trembling scales of justice, freedom, and 
unadulterated, while tlie other displayed as strong humanity. It would not grant a recognition of 
an attachment to republican forms. The conse- 1 Nicaraguan independence until compelled to the 
quence was, eternal anarchy and bloodshed. To measure by an overwhelming force of public opin- 
end this state of war, the popular party invited J ion, and the political necessities of the impending 
certain American citizens, and other foreigners, to Cincinnati Convention. It would not accept Col. 



join them, and share their destiny, whether for 
good or evil. The latter acceded to their request, 
and the result was, the complete overthrow of the 
opposite faction. The Democrats of Nicaragua in- 
stalled a new and constitutional government, with 



Parker H. French as Minister from Nicaragua, and 
the world can imagine no other pretext for the re- 
jection than the mere fact that he chanced to be 
an expatriated American. And yet, with its ha- 
bitual inconsistency, the same administration could, 



a native president at its head, and appointed an I without scruple or hesitation, accredit the natural- 
American, who had fully expatriated himself, and j ized foreigner, Soule to the diademed circle of 
sworn allegiance to the country of his adoption, j European courts. 

commander-in-chief of its military forces. So far, | Had the Executive even paused here, it might, 
it would appear, that no intelligent statesman in ! perhaps, have been excused on the plea of fear or 
the world could take exception to any part of the { imbecility. But it must, by instinct and choice, 
transaction, which stood warranted indeed by kigh become an active ally of Costa Rican piracy and 



precedents in the practice of all nations, and espe 
cially in our own. 

But the people of the United States, aside from 
their natural sympathy for free institutions, had 
an immediate and powerful personal interest in the 
affairs of Central America, that great turnpike in 



European policy. The American Secretary of 
State must communicate officially to the English 
Government the bitter hatred and opposition of 
his own to the revolutionary drama progressing in 
Central America ; and, as if not content with that 
deed of treachery, at once against the American 



the road to California and Oregon. Hence, as ; interests, and the success of liberal institutions, 
soon as the news of the revolution reached New j the administration misconstrues our neutrality laws 
Orleans and the Atlantic cities, excited by the ar-lto defeat the natural right of free emigration. Or- 
dentand general enthusiasm which such gratifying 'ders are dispatched to all the army of tidewaiters 
information could not fail to arouse, hundreds ofj and attorneys to arrest every movement of Amer- 
our citizens desired to forsake their native land, i icans in the direction of Nicaragua, lest the re- 
and seek a fresh field of enterprise — to emulate in publican host might be recruited by expatriation. 
Nicaragua the glory that had been won by their Our citizens are captured, imprisoned, arraigned 



friends and brothers 

It was then that a most extraordinary and out- 
rageous conjunction oi adverse influences occurred 
for the purpose of trampling down the national 
independence, and crushing on; the life and 
tics of Nicaragua. Stimulated by the intrigues of 
European court-. boring State of I 

Rica, without an n hos- 

ii!iti boldly avowed — 



before the Federal tribunals, and harassed by fu- 
tile prosecutions, utterly without reason, us is 
demonstrated by the event that they all end in 
acquittal or abandonment. 

England raised a terrible clamor against the en- 
listment of Americans under the banner of Nicara- 
gua, but Baid not a word about the employment of 
mane by the authority of Costa 
Kicu The accusation, in every particular, was un- 



the expulsion of all Americans from the country — just as well as preposterous; for among the for- 



29 



eiguers beneath the Nicaraguan flag were compa- 
nies of both Germans and French doing battle be- 
side the Americans. Nor did any Power complain 
as to the bad faith or officious interference of the 
German or French Governments. 

Now, in my judgment, we owe it to our own 
dignity, to the liberty of our citizens, and to the 
conservation of peace and friendship with all the 
governments of the earth, to adopt some effectual 
method for the prevention, in all futuce time, of 
any collision or misunderstanding between the 
administration and the people, similar to that 
which has so shamefully agitated the country in 
refereuce to the Nicaraguan contest. And to in- 
sure such a happy result, I can imagine no other 
measure, accordant with the Constitution and the 
rules of the law of nations, than the one which I 
suggest. Let Congress authoritatively define the 
principle of voluntary expatriation, and by the 
same act, declare that no statute in relation to 
neutrality shall be so construed by the courts, or 
by the Executive, as to interfere with the full and 
free exercise of that inalienable right in any case 
whatsoever falling within the terms and meaning 
of the definition. That far we may modify our 
neutrality laws consistently with the practice of 
all enlightened nations ; but not a step further can 
we go, without shocking the common sense, and 
willfully sinning against the intelligence, justice, 
and humanity of the age. 

This provision would afford the citizen the 
blessing of his natural and constitutional liberty 
to travel where he might please, and with arms 
in his hands, while it would leave the Government 
ample power to preserve its territory inviolably 
secure and sacred from the organization of hostile 
armaments and enterprises within the limits of the 
national jurisdiction, and to prohibit any portion 
of the people from usurping the sovereign author- 
ity to declare war as upon their own responsibility 
— that baibarous and bloody license sufficient to 
excite the enmity and horror of all other nations. 
And if this doctrine, well defined and generally 
comprehended, had been in force, the American 
Administration would never have been used as 
the tame and pliable instrument of European di- 
plomacy, and the freedom and independence of 
the popular government in Nicaragua would never 
have been imperiled as they have been, and are 
now. 

But although the combination against liberal in- 
stitutions in Central America seemed truly tre- 
mendous, in the hour of their extremity and ut- 
most need Providence raised up in their behalf a 
hero that proved himself altogether equal to the 
occasion — a compeer to the most famous historical 
characters of antiquity. For not even Romulous, 
who opened an asylum for refugees from all na- 
tions, in his new city between the two summits of 
the capitol — inter montium — was superior to the 
great warrior of Nicaragua infeats of prowess; while 
the patrician, Numa, though aided by the counsels 
of his mythic nymph, the divine Egeria, must con- 
cede tBe palm of praise to the American adven- 
turer, William Walker, in administrative wisdom. 
While surrounded by domestic foes and menaced 
by the frowns of European, and even of American 
domination, with a few hundred brave men, des- 
perate in the cause of civil liberty, like himself, he 



has, nevertheless, educed the beautiful spirit of 
aw and order out of an internal chaos, and, at the 
same time, hurled back all his external enemies 
witli proud scorn and sublime defiance. And 
this man is still BJ a pirate and filibus- 

ter, by the enlightened journals of the Enjj 
press; and the accusation 'is extended, through 
and beyond him, at the whole American commu- 
nity, who arc chargi d with a reckless passion for 
aggrandizement and aggression, incompatible with 
the fii st principles of national independence, and 
dangerous to the peace of the world. 

Now I do not doubt that some of the English 
alarmists on the topic of American fillibustering 
honestly believe in the reality of the specter which 
their own fear or fancy alone has conjured up ; and as 
a specious proof, they cite the annexation of Texas, 
and the annals of the Mexican campaigns. However, 
they forget that the acquisition of Texas was not 
the final result of a long and laborious scheme of 
patient policy, conceived by the United States and 
carried out by the cunning of a system, but was 
wholly the work of Providence or chance. The 
English critic may choose whichever point of the 
dilemma that pleases his taste or prejudice. It is 
notorious that the original inducements for Amer- 
ican migration into Texas came from Mexico her- 
self, in the offer of large donations of land to all 
actual settlers within that Territory. The Ameri- 
can Government neither originated the project nor 
interfered in its execution. Nor did the American 
emigrants, in their new homes, ever harbor an 
idea of insurrection against the sovereignty of 
their adoption, until the social contract under 
which they had been influenced to enter the coun- 
try had been annulled, and every free institution 
with the Federal compact lay prone in the dust, 
beneath the cruel foot of the dictator, Santa Anna. 
In such a case, would not all Englishmen have 
done as they did — rebelled and overturned the 
power of the tyrant ? They came of too noble a 
stock to lie down in silent submission under ever- 
lasting wrong and utter ignominy. They were 
Americans ; and, having recovered their indepen- 
dence, nothing could be more natural than their 
desire to seek communion in the great family of 
American States. Annexation was the effect — 
equally as natural, for there never was a Power 
on the globe that would have turned coldly or dis- 
dainfully away from an offering so magnificent as 
all the wealth of those rare Texan cotton fields ; 
and then the war followed as a necessary conse- 
quence, not from American aggression, but of 
Mexican obstinacy and stupidity. Such is the en- 
tire history of Texan annexation affecting the 
point under view ; and it furnishes no countenance 
to the English charge as to unfairness, or any 
manner of injustice in the transaction. Nor is 
there the slightest particle of proof, either here or 
elsewhere, that Americans have that insatiable ap- 
petite for terrrtorial acquisitions which is attributed 
to them by their enemies, and more particularly 
by t'n >se who are themselves so obnoxious to a 
terrible recrimination. In every light it ill be- 
comes the tyrant of India, and the oppressor of 
Ireland^ to bandy epithets about usurpation in 
America. 

I would submit, however, with perfect assurance 
to the earnest consideration of every intelligent 



30 



naD, whether European or American, that the In this respect the nllibustering aina of England 
iame rigid abstinence from all interference in the are totally different from ours in America. We 
nternal concerns of other States, which the law are inspired by the ardent zeal, and it may be, the 
jf nations enjoins between the superior Powers enthusiastic fanaticism, of the missionary, to spread 1 
>( the civilized world, cannot in the very nature our opinions and institutions as broadly as possi- 
)f things be susceptible of a like extensive and ble, to make converts to the cause of civilization 
exclusive application to the case of the inferior — and regulated government, to raise a uuiversal 
savage, colored, or mixed — races of either the hymn of liberty that shall ring its music around 
jasteru or western hemisphere. And I might the globe. On the contrary, the English fillibus- 
irge, as the unanswerable evidence of this neces- ters have always been actuated by the sordid spirit 
«ary qualification, that it accords with the practice of commercial monopoly, to erect factories, to ex- 
jf all the great and enlightened Governments on ■ act tribute, and amass imperial fortunes. I say 
;he surface of the globe, whether ancient or mod- this without any prejudice or feelings of unkind- 
;rn. What European nation has treated the red \ ness towards England, and, in saying it, only re- 
:ribes of the American continent as equal and in- affirm the assertion of the greatest English orator 
lependent, or conceded to them the r claim of and statesman. Humanity shudders pallid with 
ravage sovereignty over the wilderness? Nor horror on reading Burke's burning condensation of 
:ould this, indeed, have been admitted, without English Indian history : " They have sold every 
eaving the forests of the New World to be eter- monarch, prince, and State in India, broken every 
tally afrightful desert of wild beasts and barbarous , contract, and ruined every prince and State who 
n en. trusted them."' In short, the distinction between 

But I will adduce another, and, if possible, still ' the American and the English fillibuster is precise- 
more striking example, as demonstrative proof of ly this : the American expatriates himself, at the 
the principle which I have indicated. I will point call of oppressed nations, to redeem and save- 
to a country of immense extent, and almost fabu- ! them ; while the Englishman never goes but for 
Sous population, to be reckoned only in enormous personal profit, and to secure that he will add new 
numbers by the hundred million — to Governments and heavier links to the chain which binds his vic- 
ixed from unknown and indefinite ages, and so tims down in the dust. The one seeks the soil oi 
(irmly fixed as to appear immovable — to antique ■ a foreign country, as a settler, to improve and 
sciences, arts, philosophies, literature, and reli- 1 adorn it as an enduring home, to marry, bring up 
jions— I wdl point to Hindustan, that possessed children, and build school houses and churches ; 
ill these, and enquire, what European Power — Port- the other sojourns as a trader, or the collector of 
ugaese, Danish, Dutch, French, or English — ac- • taxes — to gather gold, return to Europe and pur- 
knowledged the equality or independence of its i chase a peerage. The first is a real emigrant, the 
native sovereigns, as prescribed by the law. which i pioneer of principles, the colonist of great ideas, 
governs the more civilized nations? Not one. ' the practical preacher of free institutions ; but the 
Such is the response of universal history. And second is a true adventurer, wandering abroad in 
yet these very Hindoos, in all their physical, intel- the search of fortune, and possessing no sympa- 
lectual, and moral endowments, were not at all thies or sentiments in common with the race around 
inferior to the mixed races of Spanish-American him, who therefore regard him as a natural enemy,, 
origin, over whose destiny, in the imaginary hoi- perhaps a robber. 

rors, of future annexation, England wails and I must not, however, be understood by any 
weeps in such spasmodic agony. And still, ever such contrast, as assigning a general or character- 
and anon, as she recites her ethical homilies for istic difference between Americans and English- 
the benefit of lillibustering America, with the flash men, but only as between those who pass into for- 
of her sword, or the sweep of her pen, by way of eign countries as fillibusters among the natives; 
parenthesis, she snnexes whole provinces and and tms fact is undoubtedly due to certain pecu- 
kingdoms to her eastern dominions. Now it is the liar causes in the opposite education and habits ol 
beautiful Birman empire, which she digests at a the two nations. The Englishman is passionately 
siugle meal ; next, it is the splendid province of attached to the soil of that English home where 
Scinde, on both banks of the classic Indus ; while his forefathers have lived and died during dim and 
to-day it is the flourishing territories of Oude. At distaut centuries, and where he both expects and 
length the ambitious banner of England, like the desires to rest his own ashes after the end o. r 
wing of a thunder-cloud, as gloomy and menacing, " life's fitful fever." For him, England holds all 



overshadows the whole of Hindostan, and iloats in 
triumph on the confines oi' China. Nevertheless, 
I, for one, will utter no word of complaint against 
annexations in In- 
dia, or French nsin Algerine-Africa ; b 



that is good or great; it is his world, and beyond 
it lies nothing but savage exile. 

But, with the American, all this patriotic preju- 
dice is utterly reversed. His immediate or very 
near ancestors were emigrants, and he has a he- 



. to be not only the right, but the roditary instinct for migration. No old legends, 

political and social duty of the powerful and en- no wild tales of hoary romance, cling about the 

lighte , to civilize and christianize the summits «i' his American mountains, or haunt the 

if the world. And this only can be effected solitude of his whispering streams. He has no na- 

by the colonization of ideas, and a liberal interfu- tional predilections or antipathies: how could he 

sion ol • .t 1 object to in Eng- be supposed to have, when the people of every 

Hsh, ai European extension, is not the conntry in Europe meet on terms of entire and 

cut the form; not the act itself, but the end constitutional equality in his neighborhood, and 

proposed by its accomplishment, and the mode of the -very blood in his veins is derived from as many 

ition. He has no preference foi 



*>1 



places, but boundless love for ideas and institu- sessod by the great governments of the world ; for 
tions ; and, in lieu of locality, he adheres to liber- politicians amidst their brilliant dreams of cxten- 
ty, with all the strength of attraction, and mot" sion and glory on the Lnd must never forget that 
than the tenacity of steel. He i3 a bosmopi'ite in this globe of ours is terraqueous, and that, by the 
both principle ^nd feeling, and cares not whither wonderful revolution in the art of navigation oat 
lie travels, provided, only and always, democracy by the introduction of steam, the ocean has be- 
attends him. And thus he is constituted, by na- come an element of power far more important than 
ture and education, by theory and practice, to be it ever was before in any epoch of human history, 
the minister of freedom throughout the world. — The eifect has been to diminish the lines of distance 
The method of his mission, and the standard of and to reduce the measurements of space to the 
his success, may be explained in a single term, but standard of time, so that Europe and Americ 
of immeasurable significance, and that word is, the ; not now as remote from each other as three Sab- 
rolonir.ation of ideas; whereas all the European , baths of the solar year. England and the United 
powers, without anv exception, colonize only for States are not quite two weeks apart. Moreover, 
commerce. ' the employment of steam will enable hostile arma- 

Great Britain, it is well known, has uniformly j ments to penetrate bays, harbors, inlets, and the 
discouraged even English emigration to her eastern mouths of rivers, at will, without waiting for fickle 
possessions ; and in this narrow and jealous policy winds or the favor of the returning tide, as was the 
consisted the capital mistake, the cruel injustice of . case in bygone ages. At most, as soon as the 
all her annexations in that quarter of the globe. — smoke of an enemy's chimney can be descried 
Had she pursued the American plan — had she per- darkening the blue horizon, and ere the neighbor- 
mittcd a rich diffusion, a purifying baptism of; hood can be aroused, or the militia called out for 
British blood around the coast of Coromandel, and defence, his cannon may be thundering in the 
all along the vast valley of the Ganges ; in fine, had ' heart of a great city, or spreading ravage and ruin 
she Anglicized that great Indian population, in- far inland among the rural villages. No longer 
eluding its hundreds of millions, the domination of will it be said that fleets are hovering on our 
her empire, notwithstanding its monopolies and ' coasts. They will precipitate themselves upon 
oppressions, would have proved the highest bless- \ their prey, as doth the eagle, rapid as the light- 
ing that India ever knew, and an almost equal, ! ning of heaven, as unexpected and as destroying. 



though incidental benefit to the Whole human fam- 
ily. Such was the exalted trust committed by 
Providence to the hands of England in the East ; 
and I do not despair of seeing her perform it yet, 



And although time and experience have not yet, 
by practical lessons, fully demonstrated the extent 
of this extraordinary change, enough has been wit- 
nessed to prove it one of the very greatest in the 



Otherwise the glorious work will surely be trans- i annals of the species. The Government of Eng- 
ferred to more vigorous or faithful fiduciary keep- j land, ever shrewd and vigilant, at once perceived 
ing. i the consequences of the new fact, and proceeded 

If England would only commence in earnest the [ without delay to adapt her pliable policy to the 
fulfillment of the mighty mission to which she has I revolution of the altered circumstances, for the 
been called — the civilization of the oriental world, j purpose of insuring the like ascendency which she 
the expansion and full development of her free and had held under the former system ; while the peo- 
Christian institutions, and their cultivation in every j pie of the United States have attempted but a fee- 
part of those wide English dominions on which the ble movement in a similar direction. The result 
sun of heaven always rises, but never sets ; if she has been as astonishing as it is humiliating to 
would put away her national jealousies, and dis- j American patriotism and pride. England has, to- 
card her unfounded fears of American growth and l day, three hundred and fifty war steamers. We 
greatness, and enter upon the luminous path of a i have but eight. Hers carry fix thousand and fif- 
loftier competition with the United States— the ri- ■ teen guns. Ours have only eighty-?ix. All the 
valry of kindly arts, instead of arms, of scientific j cannon in the British navy amount to fifteen thou- 
discoveries, and the communication of light, intel- 1 sand four hundred and eighty-eight. The Ameri- 
ligence, and virtue to all the species of man,— how cans can reckon just five hundred and thirty-seven, 
soon might the world be redeemed from darkness, all told. And yet, we hav • a larger mercantile 
and saved from the sanguinary sins and pollutions j marine than Great Britain, and therefore mora 
of war! The two grand branches of the Anglo- need of protection for its interests ; while the im- 
Saxon stock, the one pressing from the bav of] mensity of our coast line, and the enormous dL-- 
Bengal, and the other from the golden gulf of Cal- j tance of our voyages, as contrasted « ith hers, ren- 
ifornia, would meet in some beautiful group ofjder the disproportion in naval power truly as- 
sunny isles in the Pacific ocean, and together clasp ; tounding. 

their united hands in love and peace around the ( I am aware that the schemes of foreign policy 
o-lobe. in the two countries are essentially different. Eng- 

In addition to those already treated, there are land relies on force or fear to push her empire and 
many other matters of policy, and some of the ; extend her trade to all parts of the globe. The 
highest moment, which I have neither the time ' United States from the first hour of their sovereign 
nor the precis*: data to discuss as they deserve.— ' exi-tence, have only sought to reap their commer- 
But I am not willing to close my remarks without cial harvests, and to gatht r the glory of I 
a brief reference to the [singular condition and in- oesa by the arts of peace. The idea of 
sufficient strength of the Navy as compared with hostilities, of war for the sake of conquest and ex- 
the actual requirments of our commerce, with the,ternal domination, has never entered the mind of 
demands of the national dignitv, and with the rel- , an American Btatesman. And hence our system 
ntive might of the same strong" arm of power pos- 1 contemplates, not offensive, but defensive operu- 



tions alone. We mostly intrust the protection of 
our shores to the citizen soldiery, and of our trade i 
upon the high seas to the marine militia, who 
have, more than once, so amply justified our con-; 
fidence by their prowess as privateers. Hence it 1 
cannot be expected that our free and pacific peo- 
pie will ever consent to burden themselves with 
excessive taxes for the support of a powerful stand- 
ing armv or of a strong navy in time of peace. — j 
Nor would I advise any such project. But I do 
contend that we should possess a respectable naval ! 
strength, one adequate to the demands of our ac- \ 
tual commercial relations, and more especially suf- 
ficient for the defense of our own coasts. There ] 
should be navy yards in every principal section of 
the sea-board for the construction of a class of 
steamers competent to protect our shoal waters \ 
both North and South. The works of that charac- i 
ter at Memphis and the Memphis station, never 
ahould have been abandoned, as they were. And 
above all, I would urge the most liberal appropri- 
ations to scientific men, for the purpose of making 
experiments as to the best means of securing har- 
bors from the approach of hostile fleets ; for what 
would be the expenditure of a few millions of dol- 
lars compared to the pecuniary loss which might 
result to the great city of New York alone, by the 
bombardment of some Baltic fleet? But the sub- 
ject is largo enougb for a speech, or even a trea- J 
tise in itself, and I will take leave of it for the j 
present. I 

In conclusion, to give a brief resume of the po 1- 
icy which I have endeavored to indicate with such j 
humble powers as I could command, and with all , 
the most profound convictions of my reason, and 
the warmest wishes of my heart: In the first place, j 
I would esiablish, on such firm ground as never- ] 



more could be criticised or called in question, the 
Monroe doctrine, in both its correlative dogmas — 
the one that prohibits American interference uv 
European politics, and the other which forbids Eu- 
ropean interference or colonization on the Ameri- 
can continent. And I would idvocate both as be- 
ing, not a belligerent or aggressive, but superemi- 
nently a pacific and friendly policy, and as tending 
truly to render war not only unnecessary but even 
impossible. 

Secondly : I would define and fix by the strong- 
est force of legislative enactment the natural doc- 
trine of voluntary expatriation, so as to open the 
largest sphere for the development ofAmerican< 
ideas, institutions, and enterprise, that could be 
attained, in accordance with the rules of neutrality 
and the princip.es of the law of nations. 

Finally : I would urge the execution of this pol- 
icy in all its parts, in the most peaceful manner, 
but by the most energetic measures founded on' 
the strength of our inexhaustible natural resources., 
and the character of our Government and people — 
and at the same time, with such national courtesy 
and consummate respect for the rights, and even. 
the prejudices of other powers as to satisfy the 
whole civilized world — nay, the very savage races 
themselves, of our equity, moderation, and amica- 
ble motives. And if war should come neverthe- 
less — if the tyrannies of the other hemisphere 
should coalesce to put down the authority of our 
example, to extinguish the last light of republican, 
liberty starring with innumerable haloes thearchi 
of the western sky, I would still confide as hope- 
fully as ever in the high destiny of American civil- 
ization, trusting alone in the goodness and justice 
of God, and in the potency and patriotism of the 
American people. 



CIRCULAR. 



The undersigned, members of the National 
Execu live Committee of the American Party, 
have pleasure in announcing to the people, that 
Satisfactory arrangements for the future main- 
tenance of the American Organ, as an au- 
thoritative exponent and advocate of the prin- 
ciples of the American Party, have been 
completed. 

Recommencing its labors, under these new 
auspices, the undersigned cheerfully commend 



the American Organ to the generous con- 
dence of the American Party, in every sec- 
tion of the Confederacy, and they hope its 
columns may command the widest circula- 
tion. 

HUMPHREY MARSHALL, of Ky. 

SOLOMON G. HAVEN, of N. Y. 

J. MORRISON HARRIS, of Md. 

JACOB BROOM, Penn. 
Washington City, D. C, May 15th, 1856. 



' PROSPECTUS OF THE AMERICAN ORGAN. 

The American Organ having been adopted, by the Executive Committee of ihe .4, 
can members of Congress, as the centra! organ of the American party, the proprietor, with 
a vic".v to its general and extensive circulation throughout the country, has detei mined, on 
coisultation with his political friends, to furnish the same to subscribers on tin following 
reduced terms, to wit : 

Terms of the Daily American Organ. 
Daily Organ, for one year - - $3 00 | Daily Organ, for six months - $2 00' 

Terms of the Weekly American Organ. 






Weekly Organ, for one year, to single 
subscribers - - - - $1 60 

Weekly Organ, for six months, to single 
subscribers .... ioo 

Address 



Weekly Organ, for one year, to clubs of 
eight or more subscribers, i ai ' $1 25 

/ Organ, for six month-, o clubs 
of eight or more subscribers, 76> 

VESPASIAN ELLIS, 
Washington 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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